STAT+: Amid Mass General Brigham layoffs, CEO pens vague letter, stirring staff anxiety

Less than two weeks after Mass General Brigham said it had begun laying off workers, the head of the health care system has sent employees a cryptic email saying MGB faces urgent financial challenges and needed to make improvements but provided no specifics.

The letter emailed late Monday by Dr. Anne Klibanski, chief executive of the state’s largest health system, said MGB is changing how it operates and uses its workforce. But it provided no details, never mentioned layoffs, and raised more questions than it answered.

“We must improve our performance and make thoughtful decisions about how we use our resources,” Klibanski said in the letter sent late Monday to its roughly 85,000 employees.

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Caregiver burden, family resilience, and depressive and anxiety symptoms in parents of depressed adolescents: a cross-sectional mediation study

BackgroundParents of adolescents with depression experience substantial caregiving burden, contributing to an increased risk of psychological distress. While individual resilience has been associated with this relationship, the role of family-level resilience remains underexplored. This study explored whether family resilience statistically accounted for the association between caregiver burden and psychological distress, and whether social support moderated this pathway.MethodsA cross-sectional study was conducted with 178 parents of adolescents diagnosed with depression. Participants completed measures of caregiver burden (Zarit Burden Interview, ZBI), family resilience (Family Resilience Assessment Scale, FRAS), social support (Social Support Rating Scale, SSRS), depressive symptoms (Patient Health Questionnaire-9, PHQ-9), and anxiety symptoms (Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7, GAD-7). A moderated mediation model (PROCESS Model 7) was tested as the primary analysis, with 5,000 bootstrap resamples, adjusting for child age, child sex, illness duration, caregiver age, caregiver sex, caregiver education and economic status. All continuous predictors were standardized. Sensitivity analyses were re-run on the primary model excluding outliers and using 10,000 bootstrap resamples.ResultsThe index of moderated mediation was not significant for depressive symptoms (β = −0.029, 95% CI [−0.086, 0.029], p = 0.262) or anxiety symptoms (β = −0.023, 95% CI [−0.073, 0.021], p = 0.266), indicating that social support did not moderate the indirect pathway. Conditional indirect effects of caregiver burden on depressive symptoms through family resilience were significant at low, mean, and high levels of social support (β = 0.132, 0.103, and 0.075, respectively), and similarly for anxiety symptoms (β = 0.106, 0.083, and 0.059). However, these effects did not differ significantly across levels. Social support was directly and positively associated with family resilience (β = 0.496, p < 0.001; r = 0.62, p < 0.001). Sensitivity analyses supported the robustness of these findings.ConclusionsFamily resilience partially accounted for the association between caregiver burden and psychological distress in parents of adolescents with MDD. Social support did not moderate this pathway but was independently associated with higher family resilience. Interventions targeting family resilience may be promising, with social support as a supplementary resource. Longitudinal studies are needed to establish causality and to clarify which aspects of social support are most valued by these caregivers.

Symptom interactions of insomnia, anxiety, and depression in early pregnancy: a network analysis perspective

BackgroundPregnancy is a unique phase involving significant physical, social, and psychological changes, increasing vulnerability to anxiety, depression, and insomnia. These conditions are interrelated and often overlap, yet their symptom-symptom relationships during early pregnancy remain underexplored.MethodsA total of 1,830 women in early pregnancy (≤12 weeks) who attended the Children’s Hospital of Shanxi Province /Shanxi Maternal and Child Health Hospital, China, between 2021 and 2024 were included. Anxiety and depression were assessed with the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS), and insomnia with the Athens Insomnia Scale (AIS). Regularized partial correlation networks (EBICglasso applied to polychoric correlations) were estimated to examine the connections among symptoms of anxiety, depression, and insomnia; node centrality and bridge symptoms connecting the three symptom clusters were examined, and the accuracy and stability of the estimates were assessed with bootstrapping.ResultsIn total, 148 women (8.09%) screened positive for depression, 115 (6.28%) for anxiety, and 316 (17.27%) for insomnia. In the symptom network, the symptoms with the highest point estimates of strength centrality were ‘I feel as if I am slowed down’ (depression), a reduced sense of well-being during the day (insomnia), and ‘I feel cheerful’ (depression, reverse-scored); these symptoms did not differ reliably from one another or from several other symptoms in bootstrapped difference tests. The same symptoms, together with ‘worrying thoughts go through my mind’ (anxiety) and ‘I can sit at ease and feel relaxed’ (anxiety, reverse-scored), showed the highest bridge strength, and this set of five bridge symptoms was identical across all four correlation and estimation methods examined. Bridge expected influence, which retains the direction of the associations, identified the slowed-down item and the worry item as the strongest bridge symptoms.ConclusionAnxiety, depression, and insomnia are common, interconnected concerns in early pregnancy. Targeting the core and bridge symptoms identified here may enhance intervention effectiveness; however, causal inferences require longitudinal or experimental validation.

STAT+: Psilocybin’s lasting benefits prove elusive in mice

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Wishing you a colorful Día de los Muertos. Remembering my grandmother, in particular, a zoology professor who sparked my penchant for all things biological. Her dissertation was on shrimp chromatophores, I believe.

The need-to-know this morning

  • UniQure said the Food and Drug Administration accepted the marketing application for its AMT-130 gene therapy to treat Huntington’s disease. The approval decision date is May 1, 2027. The FDA is “tentatively planning” an advisory committee meeting to review the AMT-130 data, the company said.

Scant evidence for a next-gen, destination IVF business

A fertility treatment framed as a way to rewind the biological clock has spawned an international medical tourism business — with precious little evidence to back it up. An eight-month STAT investigation found clinics and middlemen marketing mitochondrial replacement, or “three-parent IVF,” to older women willing to spend tens of thousands of dollars for a shot at a genetically related child.

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What Are Night Terrors?

Growing up, my little brother experienced a phenomenon known as night terrors, though my parents, at first, weren’t sure what to call them. Extreme nightmares? Sleeping meltdowns? A born ’fraidy-cat, I would have guessed he had been possessed by a demon.

He would go to bed and fall asleep. But not long after, he would sit bolt upright, eyes wide open, and let out a blood-curdling scream. Sometimes it lasted only a minute before he closed his eyes and lay back down again. Other times, he would scream and cry for 10 or 15 minutes. For my parents and me, it felt like an eternity.

“Looking at his eyes and his face, you knew he wasn’t awake,” my mom told me recently. But it was disturbing because it also felt hard to believe that he was asleep.

In the morning, my brother would have no memory of what had happened — of sitting up, of screaming or being soothed, or even of being afraid. We remembered, though. So, when my mom discovered the term for these episodes, she felt it was a more fitting description for the parent’s experience than that of the child. “It throws you into a night terror,” she said.

What are night terrors?

Night terrors are technically called “sleep terrors” because they can happen anytime a child is sleeping, not just at night. They’re a kind of sleep-wake disorder, specifically a parasomnia, or abnormal sleep behavior. Like another common parasomnia, sleepwalking, they typically happen within the first three hours of falling asleep.

Night terrors are characterized by behavior that suggests extreme terror and panic. This is because the child’s brain engages a fear response, even as the child remains mostly, if not completely, unaware of it.

Night terrors are not indicators of a psychological condition — a question parents often ask, says Shelby Harris, PsyD, a clinical psychologist and sleep expert. Along the same lines, night terrors are not traumatic for children, nor should they be interpreted as a sign of trauma.

Night terrors come on suddenly, most often out of nowhere — as in, without a trigger like a sudden noise or flipping on a light. In a typical attack, a child will open their eyes and scream or cry. Other behaviors may include:

  • Sitting upright in bed or jumping out of bed
  • Kicking or moving around the room
  • Extreme agitation
  • Rapid breathing and heart rate
  • Sweating
  • Flushed face or dilated pupils
  • Confused or incoherent speech

Episodes usually last for one to five minutes, though they can extend for 20 minutes or more. In the vast majority of cases, children do not remember having had a night terror when they wake up.

How common are night terrors?

Night terrors typically occur in childhood, though some adults experience them. Children usually grow out of them as they age, and they become less common after puberty.

Estimates of prevalence vary widely, though, ranging from 1 percent to about 6.5 percent of children between the ages of 1 and 12. Some kids experience them only once or a few times; for others, night terrors happen frequently.

Why do night terrors happen?

Night terrors are a disorder of arousal: They happen when a child gets “stuck” between the deepest stage of sleep and waking.

When we sleep, we cycle through three stages of deep non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep and lighter rapid-eye movement (REM) sleep. Night terrors typically occur during the deepest NREM stage, 3NREM. A child partially wakes up, then gets stuck in transition, unable to wake up completely.

“I once had a mentor many years ago describe it as if you’re driving a manual, a stick-shift car, and you’re shifting between gears,” says Dr. Harris. “That’s what’s happening when you’re going between sleep stages.”

When a child is having a night terror, they’re “grinding the gears” between the deepest stage of NREM sleep and awakening, she explains. The grinding gears explanation also applies to sleepwalking, another disorder of arousal, says Dr. Harris. It’s just a different presentation of the same glitch.

Night terror or nightmare?

It’s 3 o’clock in the morning, and your child wakes up, upset. They run into your bedroom and tell you they had a bad dream about a monster that crawled in through the window and hid under their bed, demanding pizza. The timing, the story-like quality of the dream, and your child’s fear are good signs that this is a nightmare.

Night terrors happen during the deepest stage of sleep earlier in the night, while nightmares typically occur during lighter REM sleep at the end of the night.

Dr. Harris offers a good rule of thumb: “Who remembers it? And who is more freaked out by it? If you, the parent, were more freaked out and remember it, it was probably a sleep terror. If the kid remembers it more, then it was probably a nightmare.”

Risk factors for night terrors

Common risk factors include:

  • Fever or illness
  • Stress or anxiety
  • Medical issues, like sleep apnea

Children with autism spectrum disorder tend to experience more sleep problems, including night terrors, than kids who don’t have autism.

Disorders of arousal can be hereditary, so if you have ever experienced them, your child is more likely to. Dr. Harris was a sleepwalker as a child, and her children experienced both sleepwalking and night terror episodes.

“When my kids would be with either set of grandparents when they were really little, they’d come home, and I always knew I was going to have a night of sleep terrors,” Dr. Harris says. “Because they had been staying up late, eating lots of sugar, and not getting enough sleep.”

Kids who are susceptible to night terrors may be more likely to have one if they’re overtired or thrown off their sleep schedule. Sleep deprivation is really the big thing, says Angela Breidenstine, PhD, a psychologist at the Child Mind Institute. “Anything that’s disrupting sleep that might be making a child overly tired can increase the likelihood of having a sleep terror.”

That’s why sleep hygiene — including a good, consistent bedtime routine — is the best defense against them.

Diagnosis and treatment

Night terrors don’t need to be officially diagnosed to be addressed or treated. But it never hurts to talk to your doctor about them, especially if your child is getting regular sleep or having them for the first time at an older age, says Dr. Harris.

Your child’s doctor may recommend tests for medical conditions, such as sleep apnea. In rare cases, they may recommend an overnight sleep study.

How to deal with night terrors

In general, experts stress the importance of trying not to intervene during an episode. To master the right hands-off approach for your child, consider a few dos and don’ts.

Do stay present and keep them safe

You don’t want them falling out of bed or running into things if they’re prone to moving around. As with sleepwalkers, it may behoove you to remove sharp objects from the room, close open windows, or move furniture they could trip over before they go to bed. But try not to hold or restrain them — it could be startling. Instead, says Dr. Harris, use a gentle touch to guide them back to the bed or to lie back down.

Don’t wake them up

“If you try to wake them up, that actually can prolong the event,” Dr. Harris explains. They are stuck between sleep and waking, so the goal is to help them back to sleep. It’s not dangerous to wake them, Dr. Breidenstine explains, “but it usually doesn’t work out well. It just makes it more confusing and agitating for them.”

Do help them ride it out

And if you talk to them, be quiet, soothing, and brief. “You can say something like, ‘It’s bedtime. It’s time for sleep,’” while gently guiding them back to bed, says Dr. Harris. Remember, they are asleep. “They’re out of it. They have no understanding of what’s going on.”

Don’t take it personally if they pull away or reject attempts to be soothed

While frustrating, this is completely normal. Not being able to soothe your child as you normally do can make you feel helpless — one scientific paper describes night terrors as a “parental nightmare” — but keep in mind, night terrors call for comfort of a different kind.

What is anticipatory waking?

If your child is having frequent night terrors, a doctor will likely recommend working on their sleep hygiene, including going to bed on time and keeping a consistent schedule. But if the night terrors continue, they may suggest a prevention tactic called anticipatory waking — but it requires a good amount of preparation. You can start by keeping a sleep journal. Consider:

  • What time did your child go to bed?
  • What time did they fall asleep?
  • What time did the night terror happen?
  • How long did it last?

After a few weeks, you might notice — for example — that your child consistently has a sleep terror about two-and-a-half hours after they fall asleep. “Then you have a pattern where you can intervene,” says Dr. Breidenstine.

Anticipatory waking, sometimes called scheduled awakening, means waking the child about 10 to 20 minutes before they would usually have a night terror.

“Basically, it interrupts the time where their brain is normally hitting this shift from deep sleep to the next stage, where it’s having this difficulty that results in the sleep terror,” Dr. Breidenstine explains. “You’re proactively preventing that by waking them up before it happens, and then it kind of resets the sleep cycle.”

It’s not necessary to wake the child completely — nudging them just enough to see them shift position or hear them make a noise is fine, says Dr. Harris. “Usually after about two weeks of doing that, it tends to fix it for some people,” she says.

But given the difficulty of implementing this approach, anticipatory waking isn’t typically a first-line recommendation.

Calming siblings — and yourself

While kids have no memory of having had a night terror when they wake up in the morning, other family members certainly do. Night terrors can disrupt sleep for parents and siblings, and their intensity can make it hard to fall back asleep. Dr. Harris recommends deep breathing exercises to calm yourself, or other children, down.

Siblings might also be confused about night terror episodes. Be reassuring and take care to explain the behavior, says Dr. Breidenstine. You can try saying something like: “Part of his body woke up, but he’s still sleeping — that’s why he screams like that. But he’s not hurting. He probably won’t remember it tomorrow. You don’t need to try to wake him up or help him. He’s okay. It will pass.”

By the same token, avoid talking about episodes in a dramatic or frightening way in front of the child.

“If parents are talking a lot about it the next day and then telling the child how scary the episode was, that might make the child feel anxious,” says Dr. Breidenstine. If they ask about them, she recommends offering them a similar script: “When you’re sleeping, sometimes part of your brain wakes up before the rest of it. You might sit up and yell or make a sound, but you’re mostly asleep. It’s not dangerous. We’re making sure you’re okay until you’re sleeping quietly again.”

The post What Are Night Terrors? appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

Clinimetric properties of the Chinese version of the subjective incompetence scale: an extended paradigm

ObjectivesThis is the first validation study to evaluate the measurement properties (i.e., construct, concurrent, incremental, and relative validity) and determine the clinical utility of the Chinese version of the 12-item subjective incompetence scale (SIS-12) based on the science of clinimetrics.MethodsConsecutive general hospital inpatients (n= 232) in the Departments of Neurology and Obstetrics & Gynecology were assessed for SIS-12, along with measures of anxiety, depression, stress levels, and demographic information. Mokken analysis was employed to evaluate construct validity, while relative validity was assessed through relative weight analysis.ResultsMokken analysis indicated inadequate construct validity for items 1, 4, 8, and 10, leading to the development of an 8-item version of the scale (SIS-8), which was found to have optimal scalability. The SIS-8 also entailed the clinimetric properties of concurrent validity, incremental validity, and relative validity.ConclusionThe findings of the present clinimetric validation indicate that the SIS-8 can potentially be used both as a screening measure for the early detection of individuals at increased risk for demoralization and as a dimensional measure to assess the severity of feelings of subjective incompetence. This dual utility suggests its relevance in both clinical research and practice, particularly in managing inpatients suffering from psychological distress.

Longitudinal trajectories of benefit finding and its associations with emotion regulation, social connectedness, depression, and anxiety among Chinese college students following the removal of COVID-19 restrictions. a multivariate latent growth curve analysis

BackgroundBenefit finding may be associated with better mental health after the pandemic, but its longitudinal trajectory and its associations with psychosocial resources and mental health symptoms during recovery remain unclear.ObjectiveThis study examined trajectories of benefit finding among Chinese college students from approximately 3 to 15 months after COVID-19 restrictions were lifted. We also examined its associations with emotion regulation, social connectedness, depressive symptoms, and anxiety symptoms, together with indirect association patterns involving benefit finding.MethodsA three-wave longitudinal study was conducted among 1,155 Chinese college students. Data were analyzed using parallel-process latent growth curve modeling.ResultsSocial connectedness and benefit finding increased linearly over time, whereas depressive and anxiety symptoms decreased. Cognitive reappraisal was positively associated with the benefit finding intercept but negatively associated with its slope, whereas expressive suppression was not significantly associated with either growth factor. Social connectedness showed stronger associations with benefit finding trajectories than the emotion regulation variables. Benefit finding was negatively associated with depressive and anxiety symptoms at both the intercept and slope levels. Indirect association patterns through benefit finding were supported for social connectedness and both depressive and anxiety symptoms at the intercept and slope levels when inference was based on bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals.ConclusionsBenefit finding increased during the post-pandemic recovery period and was associated with lower depressive and anxiety symptoms. Social connectedness showed relatively strong associations with benefit finding trajectories, while cognitive reappraisal was associated with higher initial benefit finding but a slower subsequent increase. The indirect association patterns linked social connectedness with both symptom domains through benefit finding at the intercept and slope levels. These findings highlight psychosocial resources that merit further study in campus mental health research, while the observational design does not establish causal direction or temporal precedence.

Connectedness as a candidate pathway linking psilocybin retreat experiences to sustained wellbeing: a prospective naturalistic study

BackgroundPsychedelic retreats are increasingly used to promote wellbeing outside clinical settings, yet the psychological processes associated with sustained improvements in wellbeing remain poorly understood. From a public mental health perspective, identifying mechanisms that support positive mental health beyond symptom reduction is of growing importance.MethodsThis naturalistic longitudinal study followed 173 participants attending guided psilocybin retreats conducted within a structured framework of preparation, dosing, and integration. Mental wellbeing was reported before the retreat and across a 12-month follow-up period. Longitudinal changes were examined using linear mixed-effects models. Mediation analyses investigated whether changes in connectedness, neuroticism (anxiety facet), spiritual transcendence, and absorption were associated with changes in wellbeing. Mystical-type experiences were examined as potential predictors of these psychological changes.ResultsParticipants reported substantial and sustained improvements in mental wellbeing over 12 months, moving from levels below Swedish population norms at baseline toward comparable levels at follow-up. Connectedness showed the strongest statistical association with improvements in wellbeing and accounted for the largest proportion of variance in wellbeing change, followed by reductions in the anxiety facet of neuroticism and absorption. Spiritual transcendence was associated with wellbeing improvements when examined separately but did not retain unique effects in the multiple mediation model. More intense mystical-type experiences predicted greater increases in connectedness, spirituality, and absorption, as well as greater reductions in neuroticism (trait anxiety). The association between mystical experiences and wellbeing was substantially attenuated when connectedness was included in the model, suggesting that connectedness may act as a candidate mediator linking mystical-type experiences to longer-term wellbeing, though the observational design precludes causal inference.ConclusionsThese findings extend prior work on psychedelic-assisted therapy to naturalistic retreat settings, suggesting that connectedness may represent a key psychological process linking psychedelic retreat experiences to sustained improvements in mental wellbeing. From a public mental health perspective, the results highlight the potential importance of social and relational factors in promoting wellbeing beyond the treatment of mental illness. Future controlled studies are needed to clarify the relative contributions of psychedelic, social, and contextual components.

Social Media Use Motives and Mental Health Among Adolescents: Cross-Sectional Study

Background: Social media use is ubiquitous among young people, yet its relationship with mental health may depend on why it is used. Understanding the motives underlying social media engagement may provide greater insights into its potential risks and benefits than considering overall use alone. Objective: This study aimed to identify latent dimensions of motives for social media use and examine their associations with anxiety, depression, well-being, and resilience in a sample of older adolescents. Methods: Cross-sectional data were drawn from the BrainWaves study (N=6820; mean age 16.72, SD 0.74 years). Social media use motives were assessed using 10 items and exploratory factor analysis identified 2 latent dimensions: avoidant-escapist use (boredom, addiction, distraction, and procrastination) and social-recreational use (socializing, communication, entertainment, and observation). Confirmatory factor analysis was used to estimate factor scores, which were examined using linear regression. Structural equation modeling estimated associations with anxiety, depression, well-being, and resilience, with secondary analyses accounting for gender and deprivation. Results: Linear regression analyses showed that avoidant-escapist motives were associated with higher anxiety and depressive symptoms, whereas social-recreational motives were associated with lower symptoms. No interactions with gender or deprivation were observed. The structural equation model showed acceptable model fit (comparative fit index=0.945; root mean squared error of approximation=0.057; standardized root mean squared residual=0.054). Avoidant-escapist motives were associated with higher anxiety (β=0.543) and depressive symptoms (β=0.629) and lower well-being (β=−0.610) and resilience (β=−0.469). Conversely, social-recreational motives were associated with lower anxiety (β=−0.228) and depressive symptoms (β=−0.342) and higher well-being (β=0.362) and resilience (β=0.242; <.001 in all cases). These patterns remained consistent after accounting for gender and deprivation. Conclusions: Social media use shows different associations with older adolescent mental health depending on underlying motives. Focusing on why young people engage with social media rather than on overall use alone may provide a more informative framework for understanding potential risks and benefits. Given the cross-sectional design, causal inferences cannot be made.

Impulsivity is the principal correlate of problematic internet use in young adults with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder: a cross-sectional clinical study

IntroductionAttention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and problematic internet use share clinical features such as impulsivity, emotional dysregulation and impaired inhibitory control, but most evidence comes from children, adolescents and non-clinical samples. It remains unclear which dimension carries this association in adults with a formally established diagnosis.MethodsRetrospective, cross-sectional study of young adults (aged 18 to 38 years) consecutively assessed at a second-level outpatient service for adult ADHD in Milan, Italy. Diagnosis was established with a semi-structured diagnostic interview (DIVA-5), which also yielded symptom counts for childhood and adult inattention and hyperactivity/impulsivity. Participants completed the Internet Addiction Test, the Barratt Impulsiveness Scale, the Difficulties in Emotion Regulation Scale, measures of depressive and anxiety symptoms, a quality-of-life questionnaire and two ADHD symptom questionnaires. Impulsivity and emotional dysregulation were prespecified variables of interest. Analyses comprised correlations with correction for multiple comparisons, group comparisons, multivariable linear regression and bootstrapped mediation.ResultsTwo hundred and fourteen patients had a valid Internet Addiction Test score (mean 52.96, standard deviation 15.16); 22.9% were average users, 62.1% problematic users and 15.0% highly problematic users. Problematic internet use correlated with impulsivity (rho = 0.345) and emotional dysregulation (rho = 0.229), both surviving corrections, while no significant association was detected with the four interview-derived symptom counts (rho from 0.004 to 0.119), the two symptom questionnaires, quality of life or trait anxiety. In the multivariable model impulsivity was the strongest correlate (b = 0.317, p < 0.001; standardized beta 0.33), whereas emotional dysregulation was weaker and varied across specifications (b = 0.091, p = 0.052). Severity, presentation, symptom counts and demographic and clinical covariates were not significantly associated with the outcome. Mediation analysis identified an indirect association between severity and internet use through impulsivity (indirect effect 1.56, 95% confidence interval 0.41 to 2.96).DiscussionIn young adults with ADHD, impulsivity is the dimension most consistently related to problematic internet use, whereas no association was detected with core symptom severity; the confidence intervals remain compatible with weak associations. Assessment of online behavior should not be restricted to the most severely affected patients. The design does not support causal inference.