Altered long-range visual hierarchical connectivity in internet gaming disorder: reduced V1–LOC connectivity and its association with addiction severity

BackgroundNeuroimaging studies of internet gaming disorder (IGD) have primarily focused on reward-related and executive-control networks. However, sensory processing of addiction-related cues, particularly visual processing, may also contribute to IGD. Whether the intrinsic hierarchical organization of the visual system is altered remains unclear.MethodsThe study included 35 individuals with IGD and 30 healthy controls (HCs), with an overall age range of 9–33 years. The sample was predominantly composed of adolescents. An a priori three-level visual hierarchy model comprising the primary visual cortex (V1), lingual gyrus, and lateral occipital cortex (LOC) was constructed. Functional connectivity (FC) was calculated for the V1–Lingual, Lingual–LOC, and V1–LOC pathways. A hierarchical integration index (HII), derived from V1–LOC and V1–Lingual connectivity, was calculated to assess long-range relative to local visual coupling. Group differences were assessed using MANCOVA with follow-up univariate analyses and FDR correction. Within the IGD group, associations between IAT scores and all visual hierarchical measures were examined using Pearson and covariate-adjusted partial correlations with FDR correction.ResultsV1–LOC connectivity was significantly reduced in the IGD group compared with HCs (HC: 0.364 ± 0.132; IGD: 0.130 ± 0.189; F(1,59) = 30.809; FDR-corrected p < 0.001; partial η2 = 0.343). V1–Lingual and Lingual–LOC connectivity did not show significant group differences, although their effect sizes were small-to-moderate (Cohen’s d = 0.32 and 0.40, respectively). The HII was numerically lower in IGD but did not reach statistical significance (t = 1.90, p = 0.062; Cohen’s d = 0.46). Within the IGD group, lower V1–LOC connectivity was associated with higher IAT scores (r = −0.479, FDR-corrected p = 0.016), and this association remained significant after controlling for age, sex, education, and mean FD (partial r = −0.447, FDR-corrected p = 0.048).ConclusionsIGD is associated with altered long-range hierarchical connectivity within the visual system, particularly between early visual cortex and higher-order LOC. These findings provide a sensory-level perspective complementing reward- and control-centered accounts of IGD.

Tool or Companion? Reframing Conversational AI to Prevent Psychological Harm

People increasingly turn to conversational AI for companionship, emotional support, and well-being, using both purpose-built companion apps, such as Replika and Character.AI, and general-purpose assistants, such as ChatGPT and Claude. While some evidence suggests potential benefits, including short-term reductions in loneliness and mood improvement, several adverse outcomes have been reported in both clinical and nonclinical populations, including emotional dependence, exacerbation of symptoms, and self-harm. The fluent and apparently empathic responses from these models lead users to engage with them not only as tools but also as if they were social entities. This framing is conceptually misleading and may pose risks across different user profiles, particularly for vulnerable individuals. Drawing on research in AI, psychiatry, psychology, and network science, we highlight mechanisms through which emotional reliance develops and the boundary between tool and companion erodes. Design choices that evoke personality and warmth encourage users to anthropomorphize these systems. Simulated empathy, generated through probabilistic language patterns rather than genuine emotional experience, creates a structurally asymmetric interaction, in which the user discloses and the system responds, but without reciprocity, vulnerability, or accountability. Overvalidation and sycophancy can reinforce maladaptive cognitions, delusional ideation, and distorted perceptions of reality, as they tend to reinforce people’s beliefs, even at the expense of the accuracy of models’ responses. These mechanisms are not incidental: they emerge from alignment procedures that reward responses perceived as warm and empathic. The result is a self-reinforcing feedback loop between the model and the user that may amplify maladaptive beliefs, delusional ideation, and emotional distress, even in those who engage for largely functional purposes. Understanding these dynamics requires an examination of both what these agents can do—considering their technical limitations and implementations—and what humans believe they can do, including social and psychological impacts. We argue that conversational AI should be treated primarily as a tool supporting human systems rather than as a substitute for human relationships. Perhaps more importantly, reviewing the current hype surrounding AI interactions can help reformulate a paradigm that contributes to human well-being and societal value, while minimizing misconceptions, maladaptive interactions, or social disintegration.
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Development and psychometric evaluation of the AI emotional engagement scale

BackgroundWith the increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies into daily life, the underlying mechanisms of emotional interactions between users and AI have emerged as a critical research topic in the field of human-computer interaction (HCI). Existing studies have predominantly adopted traditional technology acceptance models or satisfaction scales, which lack targeted applicability in capturing unique features of AI interactions, such as parasocial relationships and emotional dependence. The present study aims to develop a self-report instrument, the AI Emotional Engagement Scale (AEES), and examine its psychometric properties for assessing users’ level of AI Emotional Engagement with AI systems.MethodsThis study was conducted based on Norman’s three-level theory of emotional design. Study 1 (N = 24) extracted core information from interview data using qualitative analysis, and generated an initial item pool through multiple rounds of expert review. Study 2 (N = 103) conducted a pre-test of the initial items to examine indicators including item quality and relevance, optimized the item design, and developed the formal item set. Study 3 (N = 924) verified the factor structure of the AEES via exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA), conducted reliability and validity tests of the scale, and finalized the factor structure of the 28-item, three-dimensional scale.ResultsResults of EFA indicated that AI Emotional Engagement consists of three dimensions: the visceral level, behavioral level, and reflective level, which was consistent with the theoretical framework, with a cumulative variance contribution rate of 68.32%. Results of CFA demonstrated that the three-factor model had a good fit (χ²/df = 3.765, CFI = 0.91, TLI = 0.90, RMSEA = 0.077, SRMR = 0.0496). The overall AEES and its three dimensions exhibited good internal consistency reliability, with reliability coefficients ranging from 0.90 to 0.97.ConclusionThe AEES has favorable psychometric properties, and can serve as a reliable instrument for researchers and practitioners to assess users’ AI Emotional Engagement with AI systems.

Differentiating the potential of continuum beliefs to reduce the public stigma of schizophrenia, depression, and alcohol dependence: associations with illness recognition and treatment recommendations

PurposePromoting continuum beliefs has been discussed as a strategy for stigma reduction. The current study examines associations of continuum beliefs with stigma aspects (stereotypes, emotions, and social distance) and mental health literacy (illness recognition and treatment recommendations).MethodsIn 2011, a sample of the German population (N = 3,642) completed a vignette-based interview on attitudes regarding schizophrenia, depression, or alcohol dependence. Logistic regression analyses were performed and predicted probabilities were used to calculate prevalence estimates and depict direct effect sizes.ResultsIncreased continuum beliefs were strongly related to a decreased likelihood of social distance and endorsement of some negative stereotypes (e.g., being alien for schizophrenia) and an increased likelihood for endorsement of other negative stereotypes (e.g., lack of willpower for schizophrenia and depression) and emotions (e.g., anger for schizophrenia). Effect sizes indicated a greater reduction in negative stereotypes and desired social distance than increases in negative stereotypes or emotions. Furthermore, continuum beliefs were associated with a decreased probability of illness recognition for schizophrenia and recommending treatment for schizophrenia and depression, but an increased likelihood for illness recognition and recommending treatment for alcohol dependence.ConclusionPotentially harmful associations of continuum beliefs were found for schizophrenia and depression and should be considered by future studies and intervention designs. These potentially harmful associations are likely outweighed by helpful associations based on prevalence estimates and effect sizes. Associations between continuum beliefs and mental health literacy seem to be illness-dependent. Because of the sociocultural context and the time gap between the study and publication, representativeness for current public attitudes is limited.

Video Game Addiction and Kids: Understanding Internet Gaming Disorder 

Every night, getting her 16-year-old son Ben to go to bed was a battle Karla would dread. He played video games online in the evening for hours, chatting with friends on his headset. As the time got late and she reminded him it was bedtime, inevitably he’d be in the middle of some campaign and wouldn’t stop. All his friends were still playing together, Ben would argue, and he would miss out.  

It’s a classic disagreement in families: Parents are worried that their kids have a video game addiction — they’re unable to limit their time spent playing — and kids think their parents are overreacting. Who’s right?  

The jury is still out. While researchers and clinicians acknowledge that gaming has addictive qualities, what constitutes a disorder and how to recognize the signs are still up for debate.  

Why parents worry about video game addiction 

“There are lots of reasons why parents don’t like video games,” says Dave Anderson, PhD, a clinical psychologist who treats teens at the Child Mind Institute. “They’ll say kids spend too much time playing, and they’re not spending enough time on schoolwork. The video games are violent and contain sexualized content. They’re playing the game online with their friends, and in the chat, they seem to be saying inappropriate things.” 

For many kids, video games are a place for entertainment and social connection — it’s fun and something to do with friends. Problems arise when parents need them to stop. “A lot of parents will say it leads to major conflicts when we’re asking them to stop playing video games,” Dr. Anderson says. “But that does not necessarily mean the kid has a gaming disorder.”  

What is internet gaming disorder? 

While parents might call it “video game addiction,” it’s called “internet gaming disorder” in the official Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5). Internet gaming disorder is not a fully recognized disorder in the most recent edition of the DSM-5. Since 2013, it has been provisional, categorized as a condition for further study, underscoring the lack of clear consensus on whether it should be a standalone disorder, even as concerns mount about the mental health effects of video games and internet use generally. 

The DSM-5 proposes that someone could have internet gaming disorder if they experience at least five of the following over a 12-month period: 

  • Preoccupation with video games where it becomes the dominant activity in daily life 
  • Withdrawal symptoms such as irritability, anxiety, or sadness when games are taken away  
  • Needing to spend increasing amounts of time playing video games 
  • Has made unsuccessful attempts to control how much time they spend playing games  
  • Loss of interest in other hobbies  
  • Has continued game-playing despite being aware that it’s causing problems in their life 
  • Has lied to others about how much they are playing video games 
  • Uses gaming to escape or relieve a negative mood 
  • Has jeopardized or lost a significant relationship, job, or educational opportunity because of gaming 

While gaming disorder hasn’t yet been accepted as an official disorder in the United States, the World Health Organization (WHO) adopted it in their standard classification in 2019, and it went into effect in 2022. The criteria are simpler in what’s called the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-11). By the ICD-11 definition, someone has a gaming disorder if they fit at least two of the following over a 12-month period:  

  • Impaired control over gaming (e.g., onset, frequency, intensity) 
  • Increased priority given to gaming so that it takes precedence over other life interests and daily activities 
  • Continuation or escalation of gaming despite negative consequences 

Some researchers argue that the simpler ICD-11 definition, with its focus on how gaming negatively affects other aspects of life, is better at capturing when gaming is truly a problem. Kids who use gaming as an escape when they are unhappy might get labeled with internet gaming disorder according to the DSM-5, for example, so clinicians are concerned about risks of overdiagnosis. While there is growing recognition that excessive gaming can be harmful, experts are still studying whether it is an addictive disorder.  

Internet gaming disorder and other diagnoses 

Dr. Anderson notes that gaming disorder rarely occurs without other disorders, such as ADHD, depression, or social anxiety. “Most of the time we see problematic gaming, it is co-occurring with something else, like ADHD,” he says. “Or they might be on the autism spectrum, and having a hard time making friends, so gaming becomes a kind of retreat. Or they’re depressed, and they feel like other activities aren’t necessarily going to be that rewarding. So they turn to gaming.” 

But that doesn’t mean that it isn’t important to take it seriously. Douglas Gentile, PhD, a professor of psychology at Iowa State University who researches the effects of video games and media, notes that several disorders occurring together isn’t unusual. “In fact comorbidity is the norm, not the exception, in mental health,” he says. And he adds that his own research has found evidence that problematic gaming can lead to or exacerbate depression. 

“Let’s say there’s a kid who’s not doing well in school, doesn’t have a lot of friends and gets depressed,” he hypothesizes. “So he goes home and he plays games as a way of relieving the stress of that. And that, of course, doesn’t help him make new friends, and it doesn’t help his grades. So he doesn’t get better at those. So he gets more depressed, so he plays more games, so he gets more depressed, right? At some point, the gaming can become a problem on its own.” 

Dr. Gentile stresses that it’s valuable for pediatricians, clinicians, and counselors to ask about gaming habits along with other mental health concerns. That’s why he hopes gaming disorder will be recognized as a full disorder in the next edition of the DSM: “We will start remembering, oh, we should ask about this, too, because it often does co-occur with ADHD, depression, anxiety, social phobia, poor school performance, aggression.” 

How to tell when gaming is a problem 

When a family is concerned about excessive time spent playing video games, Dr. Anderson will ask families for information:  

  • How much time does your child spend gaming?   
  • How does it impair their functioning and academic performance? 
  • How does it affect their sleep? 
  • How does it lead to conflict?  
  • What other diagnoses do they have? 

Dr. Anderson is cautious about making the diagnosis of gaming disorder if he thinks there’s an underlying condition, because treating that underlying condition might mean the problematic gaming will resolve as well.  

“If I think a kid’s depressed and they’re also gaming too much, I am going to make sure that I emphasize the treatment for depression,” Dr. Anderson says. “Because treatment for depression involves behavioral activation — getting the kid involved in certain activities in life, boosting their mood with that kind of that involvement and social support — which is antithetical to the gaming. So that would treat the downstream problem of gaming.” 

Treatment for internet gaming disorder 

Treatment for internet gaming disorder usually involves cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT), including emotion regulation training skills, which can help people face their problems in life if they’ve been using gaming as an escape. Clinicians also may use motivational interviewing and family-based therapy.   

Dr. Gentile has seen programs where family involvement seems to make a difference. One theory, he says, is that kids play video games because it satisfies the deep human need for autonomy, belonging, and competence: They are in control, play with friends, and are good at it.  

“If you’re not getting these needs met in real life but you’re getting them met by playing games, you’re more motivated to keep doing the games,” Dr. Gentile says. So the program works with families to get those needs filled with real-life activities, like learning to fish or joining a sports team. Parents also sit down and learn to play video games alongside their child, so they better understand why the kid likes it so much — and that creates a bridge to help improve communication.  

Setting boundaries on gaming 

While some parents want kids to stop gaming entirely, Dr. Anderson advises against that in most cases. “There are a lot of kids who see themselves as gamers — it’s a part of their identity,” he says. Instead, he encourages parents to place reasonable boundaries on gaming so that their child is investing enough time in four main areas: academics, extracurricular activities, face-to-face time with friends, and sleep.  

“This is the thing we’re trying to collaboratively problem solve for,” Dr. Anderson says. “How do we get it so that you complete your homework, you have at least one activity you’re invested in — whether you play an instrument or a sport, or you’re in the school play. You’re spending time with friends in person, and you’re getting enough sleep.” When those are in place, then families can test out having the child engage in a moderate amount of gaming. “Time spent on games is a want, not a need. It’s earned,” he says. 

Kids will push back on restrictions, of course. “That just means that we might need more of a behavioral approach — how they earn video game playing time, or think more about the consequences if they, for example, break the controller when they come off of it,” Dr. Anderson says.    

“The complaints we hear from kids are, ‘My friends are on at different times. You’re making it so I can’t connect to my friends,’” he says. “And we’ll say, ‘Look, we’re willing to make a reasonable accommodation to try to figure out how you can be on with your friends at the right time. We need these other things that are best for your development. We can then negotiate about when gaming happens.’” 

Tips to limit video games 

To enforce limits on gaming, Dr. Anderson coaches parents on how to make sure games aren’t available except during the designated times. With younger kids, games are usually played on devices like an iPad that can be taken away. The difficulty in setting boundaries, he says, “usually involves an ‘extinction burst,’ which is the idea that if you’ve got a kid who throws tantrums, their tantrums are going to get worse before they get better when we set boundaries.” He helps parents make a plan to maintain everyone’s safety to get past these behaviors, and he works with the child to learn emotion regulation skills to use when they have to stop doing an activity they enjoy.  

But older kids need computers to do schoolwork, so limiting access to games is more difficult. To control cellphone use, he suggests setting screen time limits or blocking apps by using a device like Brick. To control access to video game consoles or computers, parents can remove the power cord.  

With kids of all ages, families work on reducing conflict by making access to games something that is predictable and available as long as their other essential developmental needs are fulfilled. 

“I want parents to realize that all of those symptoms in youth don’t happen in isolation,” Dr. Anderson says. “Even if you think your child has internet gaming disorder, frequently what we want is a comprehensive diagnostic evaluation to be sure there’s not something else treatable that’s underlying this behavior. Then we can then restore a bit of balance to life and make it so that gaming is not the major activity this kid’s engaging in.” 

Frequently Asked Questions

What is internet gaming disorder?

Internet gaming disorder is a term used for playing video games so much that it’s difficult to control and starts interfering with important parts of life. It’s included in the DSM-5 as a condition for further study, meaning experts are still debating exactly how it should be defined.

Is video game addiction a real addiction?

Experts agree that excessive gaming can become problematic for some kids and adults, but there is still debate about whether it should be categorized as an addiction disorder.

What are the symptoms of gaming addiction?

Warning signs include being unable to cut back on gaming, losing interest in other activities, becoming upset when gaming is restricted, and continuing to play despite negative consequences. Gaming can also start affecting sleep, school performance, friendships, or family relationships.

How is internet gaming disorder diagnosed?

Clinicians look at whether gaming has become hard to control and whether it is causing significant problems in daily life over an extended period of time. They also consider factors like sleep, school performance, family conflict, and whether conditions such as ADHD, anxiety, or depression may be contributing to the behavior.

The post Video Game Addiction and Kids: Understanding Internet Gaming Disorder  appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

Development and validation of the digital well-being scale using university students

IntroductionDigital technologies are central to university students’ academic, social, and personal lives, offering opportunities for learning and connection while also introducing challenges such as distraction, emotional strain, and difficulties with self-regulation. Despite increasing interest in digital well-being, there is a lack of comprehensive, psychometrically sound instruments specifically designed to assess digital well-being among university students. This study developed and validated the Digital Well-Being Scale (DWS) for use in higher education.MethodsA cross-sectional survey was conducted among 1,533 undergraduate and postgraduate students from a public university in Ghana. Scale development involved literature review, expert evaluation, pilot testing, and psychometric validation. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was used to identify the underlying factor structure, followed by confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to evaluate construct validity. Reliability, convergent validity, discriminant validity, and measurement invariance across gender were also assessed.ResultsEFA supported a six-factor solution comprising Task Interference, Digital Safety and Responsible Use, Perceived Control and Satisfaction, Digital Life Balance, Emotional Regulation, and Digital Dependence and Frustration. Following CFA-based refinement, a 41-item scale was retained. The six-factor first-order model demonstrated excellent fit to the data and outperformed a higher-order model. The DWS showed satisfactory internal consistency, convergent validity, and discriminant validity across all dimensions. Measurement invariance analyses supported configural and metric invariance across gender, although scalar invariance was only partially supported.DiscussionThe DWS provides a theoretically grounded and psychometrically robust multidimensional measure of digital well-being among university students. The findings suggest that digital well-being encompasses behavioural, emotional, cognitive, self-regulatory, and responsible dimensions of digital engagement rather than representing a single, unidimensional construct. The scale offers a valuable tool for research, screening, and intervention aimed at understanding and promoting digital well-being and digital mental health in higher education settings.

Physical education performance as a protective pathway: breaking the cycle between learning burnout and gaming disorder in Chinese adolescents

Background and AimsGaming disorder (GD) and learning burnout (LB) are critical issues impacting adolescents, with GD recognized by the World Health Organization as a behavioral addiction and LB contributing to academic disengagement. While prior research has examined bivariate relationships, such as GD’s negative correlation with academic performance and physical education performance, or LB’s association with poor grades, no study has integrated all four variables into one model to explore their dynamic interactions longitudinally.MethodsA cross-lagged panel network (CLPN) model was applied to longitudinal data from 811 Chinese middle school students collected at two time points.ResultsGD and LB showed minimal direct effects on academic performance or physical education performance. Instead, academic performance and physical education performance acted as protective factors, significantly alleviating LB, particularly among boys. These two protective factors were mutually reinforcing. Cognitive exhaustion (a core component of LB) and GD functioned as reciprocal risk factors.ConclusionInterventions for adolescent maladjustment should prioritize addressing learning burnout through academic and physical avenues rather than overemphasizing gaming disorder, with tailored strategies for different genders.