Virtual Reality–Based Relaxation Training and Symptom Improvement Among Inpatients With Depressive Disorders: Retrospective Nonrandomized Comparative Study

Background: Virtual reality (VR) is increasingly used for adjunctive relaxation training in psychiatric care. However, evidence remains limited among hospitalized patients with depressive disorders, particularly in routine inpatient settings in China, and little is known about whether improvement varies by session frequency. Objective: This retrospective study examined whether adjunctive VR-based relaxation training was associated with changes in depressive and anxiety symptoms among inpatients with depressive disorders and whether improvement differed by session frequency. Methods: We conducted a retrospective, nonrandomized natural-group comparison using complete anonymized medical records from patients hospitalized in Lishui Second People’s Hospital between January 1 and December 31, 2022. Patients met () diagnostic criteria for depressive episodes or recurrent depressive disorders and were screened using predefined criteria. The analytic sample included 133 inpatients: 63 (47.4%) received adjunctive VR-based relaxation training plus usual care and 70 (52.6%) received usual care only. Usual care included pharmacotherapy and physiotherapy. The VR intervention consisted of 25-minute immersive relaxation sessions delivered approximately 3 times per week. Symptoms were assessed at admission and discharge using the 17-item Hamilton Depression Scale and Hamilton Anxiety Rating Scale. Response was defined as a reduction of 50% or more from baseline, and remission was defined as a total score of 7 or less. Baseline characteristics, outcome scores, response and remission rates, and exploratory session-frequency subgroups were compared. All analyzed variables were checked against complete medical records; no missing values were identified, and no imputation was performed. Results: The VR and control groups did not differ significantly in baseline depressive or anxiety scores. At discharge, adjunctive VR-based relaxation training was associated with lower depressive and anxiety symptom scores than usual care alone. The VR group also showed higher response rates for both depressive and anxiety symptoms and a higher anxiety remission rate, whereas depression remission was similar. Exploratory session-frequency analyses suggested that anxiety improvement may be more consistently associated with VR exposure than depression remission; however, the pattern was not strictly linear and should be interpreted cautiously because treatment frequency was linked to hospitalization duration and routine care factors. Conclusions: This study is innovative in evaluating structured VR-based relaxation training as an adjunct to routine inpatient depression care and in providing preliminary observations on session-frequency patterns in a real-world Chinese psychiatric setting. Unlike many previous VR studies conducted in noninpatient, nonclinical, or short-term experimental contexts, this study reflects everyday clinical practice among hospitalized patients with depressive disorders. The findings contribute practical evidence for integrating immersive relaxation into comprehensive inpatient care, particularly when additional anxiety relief is desired. Because the study was retrospective and nonrandomized, the findings indicate associations rather than causal effects and should be confirmed in prospective randomized controlled trials.
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“Mirror, mirror, on the wall, without you, I will fall”: investigation into body dysmorphic disorder from an attachment perspective

ObjectiveBody dysmorphic disorder (BDD) is a prevalent concern among young adults. However, the underlying mechanisms of BDD development remain elusive. This study aims to investigate the intricate relationship between attachment styles and BDD symptoms, with appearance-based rejection sensitivity (ARS) as a mediating factor and gender as a moderator.MethodsA total of 815 young adults participated, completing a battery of questionnaires including the Revised Adult Attachment Scale (RAAS), Appearance-Based Rejection Sensitivity Scale (ARSS), and Scale of Body Image (SBI).ResultsData indicated a positive association between attachment anxiety and BDD symptoms, with ARS found to mediate this link. Furthermore, gender differences were observed to moderate the relationship between ARS and BDD symptoms.ConclusionThis study sheds light on the foundational mechanisms of BDD, tracing its origins to early caregiver-infant bonds and highlighting the enduring impact of ambivalent care on body image perceptions. Additionally, the identification of ARS as a specific contributing factor to BDD onset underscores its significance in understanding and addressing this disorder. By considering the influence of social norms and cultural context, gender differences in the association between ARS and BDD symptoms are elucidated.

Exercise interventions are most consistently supported for depressive disorders: an umbrella review of diagnosed depressive and anxiety disorders

BackgroundExercise is increasingly discussed as part of lifestyle-based and multimodal care for mood and anxiety disorders, but review-level evidence often mixes formally diagnosed clinical populations with symptom-defined or medically mixed samples.MethodsWe conducted an umbrella review of systematic reviews, meta-analyses, and network meta-analyses of structured exercise interventions for adults with depressive or anxiety disorders. Six databases were searched from inception to 1 March 2026. Primary outcomes were depressive and anxiety symptom severity, remission, and response; secondary outcomes were acceptability and tolerability. Review quality was appraised with AMSTAR 2, and primary-study overlap was quantified with corrected covered area (CCA), including overall and symptom-cluster analyses. The synthesis was designed to summarize review-level credibility and clinical interpretability rather than to generate a second-order pooled efficacy estimate.ResultsNine reviews met eligibility criteria; four supplied directly extractable primary overall review-level estimates for core psychiatric symptom outcomes. AMSTAR 2 appraisal rated one review as high, three as low, and five as critically low. Recalculated overall overlap was slight (112 primary-study occurrences, 89 unique primary studies; CCA = 3.23%), although cluster-level analyses identified localized redundancy, particularly within anxiety-disorder-specific reviews. In major depressive disorder, one clinically focused review reported a large reduction in depressive symptoms for aerobic exercise versus non-exercise comparators (Hedges’ g = -0.79, 95% CI -1.00 to -0.57; I² = 21%). Across diagnosed depressive and/or anxiety disorders, broader review-level estimates also favored exercise for depressive symptoms (SMD = -0.97, 95% CI -1.28 to -0.66) and anxiety symptoms (SMD = -0.66, 95% CI -1.09 to -0.23), but heterogeneity was high. Anxiety-disorder-specific evidence was less secure: the primary DSM-IV anxiety-disorder pooled estimate showed no clear benefit over selected controls (SMD = 0.02, 95% CI -0.20 to 0.24). Acceptability estimates were close to null, and adverse-event reporting was too sparse to support confident safety conclusions.ConclusionExercise is best supported as an adjunctive, patient-centered component of care for depressive disorders. Anxiety-disorder-specific efficacy remains uncertain when comparator rigor, diagnostic heterogeneity, and localized overlap are considered, and safety reporting needs substantial improvement.Systematic Review Registrationhttps://www.crd.york.ac.uk/PROSPERO/, identifier CRD420261364264.

Health outcomes across socioeconomic strata B, C, and DE among Brazilian adults living in moderate social vulnerability

ObjectivesThis study examined whether socioeconomic status was associated with anxiety symptoms, depressive symptoms, BMI, waist-to-hip ratio, and quality of life among Brazilian adults living in areas of moderate social vulnerability. In addition, we described anxiety and depressive symptoms, BMI and waist-to-hip ratio, and quality of life in individuals living in moderate social vulnerability.MethodsThis is a cross-sectional study. In a socially vulnerable cohort, interviews captured demographics, comorbidities, medications, anxiety and depressive symptoms, and quality of life, followed by measurement of anthropometric characteristics.ResultsAmong 299 socially vulnerable adults, 8% had moderate–severe depressive symptoms and 7% had moderate–severe anxiety symptoms; ~50% showed increased risk of cardiometabolic diseases (i.e., waist-to-hip ratio greater or equal to 0.90 for men and 0.85 for women, respectively). Poor quality of life affected 4–12% across domains. Mental health, anthropometrics (waist-to-hip ratio, BMI), increased risk of cardiometabolic diseases and quality of life in physical, social and environmental domains did not differ by socioeconomic status (B, C, DE; all P>0.05). Poor psychological quality of life was more frequent among participants in higher socioeconomic status (B: 8%; C: 6%; DE: 4%, P = 0.0157). Linear regression analyses showed no statistically significant differences across socioeconomic status in depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, BMI, waist-to-hip ratio, or quality of life scores in any domain (all P>0.05).ConclusionsOur findings suggest that, among Brazilian adults living in moderate social vulnerability and classified within socioeconomic status B, C, and DE, mental health, BMI, waist-to-hip ratio, and quality-of-life indicators were similar across socioeconomic strata. However, these results should be interpreted as reflecting intra-group socioeconomic differences within a moderately vulnerable population and should not be generalized to individuals from the highest socioeconomic status.

Effects of Virtual Reality on Postoperative Pain Management Following Minimally Invasive Gynecologic Surgery: Randomized Controlled Trial

<strong>Background:</strong> Postoperative pain and anxiety remain common concerns after minimally invasive gynecologic surgery despite advances in surgical techniques and analgesic strategies. Virtual reality (VR) has been investigated as a potential nonpharmacological intervention for pain management; however, evidence in gynecologic postoperative settings is limited. <strong>Objective:</strong> This study aims to evaluate the efficacy and safety of VR technology compared with standard postoperative analgesia for pain and anxiety management in patients undergoing minimally invasive gynecologic surgery. <strong>Methods:</strong> This randomized controlled trial was conducted at Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hospital of Sun Yat-sen University in China. A total of 131 patients undergoing laparoscopy or combined hysteroscopy for benign gynecologic diseases were randomly assigned in a 1:1 ratio to either a VR group (n=68) or a control group (n=63). All patients received a standardized general anesthesia protocol intraoperatively. The control group received conventional analgesic therapy after surgery, and the VR group received a 20-minute VR intervention 6 hours postoperatively. The pain and anxiety levels were evaluated using a visual analog scale at 6 and 7 hours postoperatively. The primary outcome was the change in pain scores between 6 and 7 hours. Secondary outcomes included maximum pain score, anxiety score changes, length of hospital stay, hospitalization costs, and occurrence of adverse events. Analyses were performed according to the intention-to-treat principle. <strong>Results:</strong> There was no statistically significant difference in the primary outcome between the VR and control groups (mean difference 0.169, 95% CI −0.271 to 0.608; <i>P</i>=.45). Similarly, no significant differences were observed in the maximum pain score (mean difference 0.839, 95% CI −0.101 to 1.779; <i>P</i>=.08), and no improvement was observed in the anxiety score (mean difference 0.042, 95% CI −0.365 to 0.449; <i>P</i>=.84). No significant differences were found in length of hospital stay, hospitalization costs, or incidence of adverse events, including dizziness, nausea, and vomiting (all <i>P</i>&gt;.05). <strong>Conclusions:</strong> A single 20-minute VR intervention did not provide additional analgesic or anxiolytic benefit compared with standard postoperative care after minimally invasive gynecologic surgery. VR was well tolerated, and its role in postoperative recovery requires further investigation. <strong>Trial Registration:</strong> Chinese Clinical Trial Registry ChiCTR2400091244; https://tinyurl.com/4b92a9td

Boys, Masculinity, and the Looksmaxxing Trend  

By now, you’ve probably heard of the term looksmaxxing. Think pieces about the trend have popped up all over the internet. And in a recent episode of Saturday Night Live, comedians poked fun at lookmaxxing influencers obsessed with having the perfect male physique.

While this new social media craze may seem silly, it’s impacting more boys than you might think. In a study conducted last year that surveyed over 3,000 young men (ages 16–25) from the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, nearly two-thirds of participants were regularly engaging with masculinity influencers.

Teen boys are being encouraged to change the way they look in order to fit a certain standard of attraction. The growing amount of looksmaxxing content they see online can have real effects on their self-esteem and mental health.   

What is looksmaxxing?  

Looksmaxxing originated nearly a decade ago in incel forums where men blamed their lack of romantic partners on the belief that female sexual selection is primarily based on physical qualities. So men who aren’t born with traits desirable to women are doomed to fail romantically. While traditional incels wallow in this fate, looksmaxxers seek to enhance their appearance to become more attractive. Their community claims that there is a universal standard for what the ideal man (and woman) should look like.

This is determined by a rating system called the PSL scale — the name being an amalgamation of three prominent misogynistic incel forums of the 2010s. There are many factors that go into the scaling, such as eye shape, jaw size, nose angle, and body fat percentage. Along this scale, you can land in four categories: subhuman, normie, Chadlite, and Chad (the ultimate catch).

During the pandemic, looksmaxxing went mainstream, merging with “manosphere” content on social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram. The trend became less about the ability to attract women and more of a competition among boys and men as they engaged in mog-offs — online contests where people have their faces analyzed and compared by facial recognition software to determine who’s better looking.

Self-improvement practices have gained popularity among boys. Some are considered to be softmaxxing, like developing skincare routines or eating high-protein diets, and others to be hardmaxxing, like using growth hormones or getting cosmetic surgery.

Prominent young influencers like Clavicular represent the extreme side of looksmaxxing. He practices bonesmashing (using a hammer on facial bones to try to form more angular features), injects himself with testosterone, and takes meth to maintain a low body fat percentage while still having a muscular physique.

Looksmaxxing and new beauty standards

The rise of looksmaxxing seems to have a caused a ripple effect among teen boys. While the ideal look has centered on big muscles and washboard abs for decades, there’s now an added pressure on facial beauty that’s typically been reserved for girls.

“With some of the teen boys I work with, most of whom already have self-esteem issues, I think there is a lot more concern about how they look,” observes Alnardo Martinez, LMHC, director of the Pediatric OCD Intensive Program and a mental health counselor at the Child Mind Institute. “They want to have the strong jaw, really big muscles, clear skin, and a perfect haircut.”

However, Martinez notes that it sometimes take a while for boys  to admit that they feel this pressure. They may insist that they don’t really care about that stuff. “But then, maybe a few months later, it comes out that there is a lot of comparison. They’re spending a lot of time in front of the mirror or in the bathroom trying to create this perfect image,” he observes.

What teen boys think about looksmaxxing and self-improvement

We talked to young men who were critical of Clavicular and the impact looksmaxxing can have on teens but were positive about engaging in some form of physical self-improvement.

Wyatt, now 19, remembers comparing his jawline to his peers’ when he was in 7th grade. “I just felt like they had really sharp jawlines. And I was just like, ‘Oh, I want to get closer to that.’” He would also come across TikToks advertising rubber chewing blocks and chin exercises meant to strengthen the jawline.

And so, Wyatt began to do jaw exercises he’d found online, reciting the alphabet while stretching out the muscles. “I would go through my Zoom classes throughout the day and then after that was done, I’d just go into the bathroom and go through the whole exercise. It would take like an hour sometimes,” he recalls. “It turned into more like a self-care, self-improvement session. I would do that every day after my classes. I didn’t feel like I was done with school until I finished my jawline routine.” He took photos to document his progress.  

Wyatt feels like the routine had a positive effect, because he was able to see an improvement. “I felt more satisfied with myself, a little more confident.”

Lev, now 19, remembers wanting to have some control over his body when going through puberty in high school. “Puberty is not a straightforward process. It’s not all peaches and cream. Your body changes, and it can be uncomfortable,” he explains. “But with lifting and strength training, it was very exciting to see this, you know, man energy that came out of it. I wanted to harness that and really take it by the reins. Have some agency as a man.”

And while he rejects the extreme parts of looksmaxxing, Lev does regularly practice self-improvement through weight lifting, skin care routines, and taking GLP-1 weight loss medication.

How looksmaxxing can impact boys’ mental health

Since looksmaxxing places such a strong emphasis on achieving a very specific look, clinicians are concerned about its influence on teens. “Self-esteem is pretty fragile during puberty,” Martinez says. “There’s already a ton of comparison and perceived flaws that teens don’t love about themselves.”

These insecurities can be exacerbated by the type of content teens engage with online, Martinez explains. Along with ChatGPT bots specifically designed to judge aesthetics, Reddit threads such as r/Mewing and websites like Looksmaxxing Forum encourage boys to post pictures of their faces and bodies to get rated by their peers. Boys as young as 13 visit these forums, posting pictures and asking for tips on how to improve their looks.

“These are generally places where people are already pretty harsh and critical. These boys are receiving a lot more ‘confirmation’ around the perceived things that are wrong with them or that they need to change,” Martinez says. “And it just feeds into the already present negative self-image and self-talk.”

He explains that this type of social media engagement can also compound underlying mental health issues like depression and social anxiety. “They might be less likely to go out and talk to people because they’re thinking, ‘Everyone is going to see this one thing that everyone else has told me is wrong with me. So now I can’t go out,’”he says.

Martinez is also concerned that online content can negatively affect teens with body dysmorphic disorder (BDD). “If they think they have a big nose, for example, they might go on these Reddits and ask, ‘What does my nose look like? Is it too big?’ There are trolls out there. Someone is going to say yes and then that’s going to make the BDD symptoms even worse.”

When behaviors might be concerning

In some ways, teen boys taking part in more self-improvement practices could be seen as a good thing. They’re exercising, taking care of their skin, and eating more balanced diets. The issues begin when these types of practices turn into obsession. And given the underlying ideology of looksmaxxing and the nature of social media, things can become unhealthy.

According to Martinez, there are some changes in behavior to look out for that indicate you might want to step in.

One clear change, he says, is a noticeable shift in the amount of time they’re spending on grooming themselves. “Maybe they were someone who would typically just get up and run out the door without washing their face,” he says. “But now they’re spending a lot more time in the bathroom and asking a lot of questions about how they look.”

Another warning sign can be a big change in personality. “Irritability is a big one that we’ll see a lot,” he says. “They’re unhappy with how they look, so this increases a general level of irritation.”

These behaviors paired with an unusual uptick in time spent on social media, Martinez explains, can be a sign that something’s wrong and support is needed.

How to support your child

If you’re worried that your child might be engaging in looksmaxxing-related behaviors to an unhealthy degree, says Martinez, there are a few things you can do:

  • Open communication. Martinez suggests approaching your child with curiosity. “You could start the conversation by saying something like, ‘So have you heard about this? What do you think about it? Have you ever had any thoughts yourself about how you look or desires to change your body or face?’ And then give them some space to be open and vulnerable about it. Validate their experience.” 
  • Find out where your child is getting their information. “Read it together, talk about it, and see what your child thinks about it,” Martinez advises. “And if it’s promoting something dangerous, then you can talk to them about how those practices can be harmful and what could actually happen if they do some of those things.”
  • Encourage male role models. “There’s a patient I work with now who doesn’t have a present dad,” Martinez explains. “His mom tries to talk to him about things like body image, but he feels like she doesn’t understand and can’t relate. So having someone that he can talk to and be open about this stuff with, especially someone who can also share their own struggles, can be really helpful.”
  • Seek help from a mental health professional. This is especially important if you find out that your child has been engaging in extreme forms of looksmaxxing such as bonesmashing or starvemaxxing. Martinez recommends looking for a clinician who specializes in body image or body dysmorphic disorder.

A lot of parenting comes down to open communication around what your kids are seeing and what they’re feeling. We all have things about our bodies that we might not like and wish we could change, says Martinez, and it can help to normalize those feelings. “And then you can discuss how they can make changes in healthy ways,” he suggests. “Go over what’s a realistic change and what’s a dangerous change.”

The post Boys, Masculinity, and the Looksmaxxing Trend   appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

The relationship between mobile phone addiction and depression, anxiety among Chinese college students: the mediating role of friendship quality and the moderating effect of preference for solitude

BackgroundThe university stage represents a critical period for the development of individual mental health. Mobile phone addiction is closely linked to depression and anxiety among college students, and both friendship quality and preference for solitude are tightly associated with college students’ mobile phone addiction and emotional health. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the relationships and internal mechanisms among mobile phone addiction, friendship quality, preference for solitude, depression and anxiety in college students.MethodsA total of 1083 Chinese college students (58.2% female; mean age = 19.87 ± 1.692 years) were included as participants. Data were collected using the Mobile Phone Addiction Index, Friendship Quality Questionnaire, Preference for Solitude Questionnaire, and Depression Anxiety Stress Scale. Data processing and analyses were conducted using SPSS 26.0 and the PROCESS macro.Results(1) Mobile phone addiction was significantly negatively correlated with friendship quality, and significantly positively correlated with both depression and anxiety; friendship quality was significantly negatively correlated with depression and anxiety; preference for solitude was significantly positively correlated with depression and anxiety. (2) Mobile phone addiction not only directly and positively predicted depression and anxiety among college students, but also predicted depression and anxiety through the mediating role of friendship quality. (3) The direct effect of mobile phone addiction on depression and the mediating effect of friendship quality in the relationships between mobile phone addiction and depression/anxiety were both moderated by preference for solitude, whereas the moderating effect of preference for solitude on the association between mobile phone addiction and anxiety was not significant.ConclusionFriendship quality serves as an important mediating pathway between mobile phone addiction and depressive and anxiety symptoms among Chinese college students. Preference for solitude may amplify the associations of mobile phone addiction with poorer friendship quality and elevated depressive symptoms.

Collaborative care treatment for major depressive disorder

IntroductionMajor Depressive Disorder (MDD) is a burdensome behavioral health condition that is costly and difficult to treat, particularly for patients with severe cases. The Collaborative Care Model (CoCM) has been shown to be effective for moderate depression treatment but less is known about its effectiveness for severe depression. This study analyzes the impact of CoCM treatment on outcomes for depression patients across all ranges of MDD severity at Concert Health.Materials and methodsAnalysis was completed utilizing all closed patient treatment episodes (N = 30,162) at Concert Health between 2018 and 2025. Of these patients, 5,693 began treatment with severe depression. We compare effect sizes for change between baseline and final screener scores across severity levels. Additionally, we utilize logistic regression to complete analyses to understand treatment factors and patient characteristics that are associated with treatment response and remission, as measured by changes in PHQ-9 scores.ResultsThe primary analysis showed that patients with severe depression (PHQ-9 > 20) had slightly lower odds of achieving response compared to patients with moderate depression (OR: 0.93). The treatment factors of insurance type, suicide risk, anxiety presence, and touchpoints also had significant effects on the odds of achieving response and remission.DiscussionThe results suggest that CoCM may be effective for patients with severe depression in achieving treatment response. Patients on Medicaid or with more complex conditions such as anxiety presence or elevated risk for suicide may need higher levels of engagement from the care team to achieve response and remission.

What Are Intrusive Thoughts?

When a child confesses a frightening thought that seemed to come out of nowhere — “What if I hurt someone with this knife?” “What if mom dies in a car accident?” “What if germs get into this paper cut and I die of an infection?”  — you can both find it confusing and disturbing.  But in most cases these intrusive thoughts are not evidence of a problem.

Intrusive thoughts are unwanted ideas, images, or urges that pop into the mind seemingly out of nowhere. They might feel embarrassing, violent, sexual, or just plain strange — and they feel completely out of character, which is exactly why they’re so upsetting. “An intrusive thought is a lot like your brain sending junk mail,” says Theresa Welles, PhD, a clinical psychologist and director of the Bubrick Center for Pediatric OCD at the Child Mind Institute. “Just because it shows up doesn’t mean it’s important or true or something you even want.”

It also doesn’t necessarily mean that a child has OCD or another mental health disorder. Though intrusive thoughts are associated with OCD — in which unwanted thoughts (called obsessions) drive children to perform rituals (called compulsions) to alleviate them — for many children they are just fleeting thoughts. It’s only when kids become unable to let them go that they are concerning. Another way to think about it, says Dr. Welles, is that “the brain’s job is to generate thoughts, the same way an apple tree’s job is to produce apples. Not every apple is perfect — some are misshapen or wormy. And not every thought is meaningful or worth paying attention to. Having a thought is not the same as wanting it or intending to act on it.”

Who has intrusive thoughts

“Everyone who has a brain has them,” says Caitlyn Downie, LCSW, director of trauma and resilience at the Child Mind Institute. “It’s part of the human existence.” A child might suddenly imagine something terrible happening to a parent, or a teenager might have a violent or sexual thought that feels shocking or shameful. Most of the time, these pass quickly — unpleasant, but easy enough to brush aside.

That’s the key distinction: not the thought itself, but what happens after it. The concern isn’t that the thought appeared — it’s how the child responds, how often it returns, and whether it starts getting in the way of daily life.

For some children — particularly those who are anxious, perfectionistic, or who have OCD — intrusive thoughts become “sticky.” Instead of passing through, the thought snags. The child starts paying attention to it, trying to figure it out or make it go away, which only makes it feel more powerful. “Young people lack the experience to recognize that thoughts aren’t the same as intentions, desires, or actions,” Dr. Welles says. “The thoughts feel alarming. So the child pays more attention, and the more attention they give it, the more often it returns.” That loop of fear and self-doubt is what parents and clinicians need to be alert to.

When should parents be concerned?

Many children are too ashamed or frightened to describe what’s actually going on, so parents may never hear about the thought itself. Instead, changes in behavior are often the first clue. Look for signs like:

  • Increased distress, irritability, or moodiness
  • Avoidance of something that wasn’t previously a problem
  • Trouble concentrating or sleeping
  • Excessive guilt or repeated reassurance seeking
  • Rituals like checking, counting, washing hands, or going through routines in a specific way

It’s worth seeking professional support when intrusive thoughts are frequent and intense, hard to shake, causing real distress, or getting in the way of school, friendships, or daily routines.

Why intrusive thoughts feel so frightening

When an intrusive thought appears, it can set off the body’s alarm system — the same ancient survival mechanism that helped people run from danger or fight it off. In anxiety and OCD, that alarm bell rings when there’s no real emergency. The child has a thought, the body reacts with panic, and the child assumes the thought must be important because it feels big and important.

Children may also fall into what clinicians call thought-action fusion. “That’s the mistaken belief that having a thought makes it more likely to happen,” explains Dr. Welles, “or that it reveals something terrible about who they are.” A child who thinks, “What if I hurt my baby brother?” may become convinced the thought means they secretly want to — but intrusive thoughts are often the precise opposite of what a child would ever want. Paradoxically, Dr. Welles says, “for most people with anxiety disorders and OCD, these thoughts are the actual opposite of what they would ever do.”

How parents can help

The first thing to do is stay calm — harder than it sounds if the thought is violent, sexual, or taboo. Children look to their parents to gauge whether something is truly dangerous, so if you look horrified, your child takes that as confirmation the thought is something to fear.

When a child shares an intrusive thought, Downie suggests responding with warmth and curiosity: “Say something like, ‘I appreciate you telling me — it sounds like that was really scary.’ It also helps to normalize it: ‘A lot of people have thoughts they don’t particularly like.’” Some other responses that can help:

  • “That sounds really upsetting — I’m glad you told me.”
  • “Having a thought doesn’t mean you want it or that it’ll ever happen.”
  • “You don’t have to figure this out right now.”

The goal is to help your child feel less alone and less ashamed, without treating the thought like a five-alarm emergency. And do your best to avoid reassurance. Reassuring the child about the contents of a specific thought (for example, responding to a child who asks, “Are you sure I’m a good person?” with “Yes, you’re a good person”) can actually make things worse, especially in kids with OCD. They feel very temporary relief but then the thought creeps back and they need more reassurance. It becomes a cycle. Instead try: “I know this feels awful. And I know you can handle it.”

It also helps to redirect the child to something concrete: getting dressed, eating breakfast, watching a show, texting a friend. With younger kids, you might guide them in doing slow breaths or suggest they move to another room so they distract themselves from the thought. With teens, you might mean teach them to resist the urge to Google their fears or thoughts, confess, or ask the same question over and over again. “The idea,” Downie says, “is to validate the feeling without validating the fear. You’re saying: ‘I hear you, this is hard, and you can get through it.’”

What can cause intrusive thoughts?

Intrusive thoughts aren’t a diagnosis on their own — they’re a symptom that can show up across a range of conditions, or in children who have no diagnosis at all. Disorders they may be associated with include:

  • OCD: The most closely associated condition. Common themes include harm, contamination, sexual thoughts, and religious or moral fears.
  • Generalized anxiety: Tends to involve repetitive “what if” worries about everyday concerns — school, safety, family, the future.
  • Social anxiety: Brings intrusive thoughts about embarrassment, rejection, or being judged by peers.
  • PTSD: Can involve intrusive memories, images, or sensations tied to a traumatic event. “A child who has experienced trauma may worry about being harmed again or even about harming someone else,” Downie notes, “but that doesn’t mean every child with trauma will have intrusive thoughts.”
  • Depression: Often involves intrusive thoughts that fit a negative self-image: I’m worthless. I’m a burden. I’m a bad person.
  • Autism spectrum disorder: Repetitive thoughts often center on a special interest and aren’t typically unwanted or distressing the way OCD thoughts are — though they can look similar from the outside.
  • Psychotic disorders: Young people with psychosis tend to experience intrusive thoughts as fixed and real, without the self-awareness that typically accompanies anxiety-driven ones. Psychotic disorders such as schizophrenia are rare in children, though early signs can appear in the teenage years.

How intrusive thoughts are treated

Treatment depends on what’s driving the thoughts and how much they’re disrupting the child’s life:

  • For OCD, the gold-standard treatment is exposure and response prevention (ERP), a specialized form of cognitive behavioral therapy (CBT) where children practice sitting with intrusive thoughts without doing compulsions. Over time, they learn to tolerate uncertainty and discover that the thought, however uncomfortable, isn’t actually dangerous.
  • For anxiety, the same treatments are helpful. CBT helps children understand the connection between thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, and ERP helps kids learn to tolerate the anxiety these thoughts generate, and it gradually diminishes.
  • For trauma, treatment may include trauma-focused CBT. Mindfulness, DBT skills, and breathing exercises can also help regulate the nervous system.
  • Family involvement matters a great deal. “Parents often need help learning how to respond without accidentally feeding the anxiety cycle,” Dr. Welles says. SPACE (Supportive Parenting for Anxious Childhood Emotions) is an evidence-based approach that helps parents reduce accommodation and support their child’s brave behavior instead.
  • For moderate-to-severe OCD or anxiety, medication — typically an SSRI — may also be worth discussing with a psychiatrist or pediatrician.

Helping your child trust their own mind

One of the hardest things about intrusive thoughts is that they can make children afraid of their own minds — convinced that every thought needs to be examined or explained away before they can relax. But no one gets to have only pleasant, well-behaved thoughts.  

What children can learn is that a thought can be upsetting without being meaningful, loud without being true, and it can pass through without becoming a verdict on who they are. As parents, the most powerful thing you can offer is a calm, steady presence — taking it seriously without treating it as a catastrophe. When your child sees you aren’t panicked, they get to borrow some of that calm for themselves.

Frequently Asked Questions

What are intrusive thoughts?

Intrusive thoughts are unwanted ideas, images, or urges that pop into your mind unexpectedly. They often feel upsetting or out of character, but they’re essentially “junk mail” from the brain — not meaningful or important.

Are intrusive thoughts normal?

Yes, everyone can have them. Most children (and adults) experience intrusive thoughts at times, and in many cases they pass quickly without causing problems.

What causes intrusive thoughts?

They’re a normal byproduct of how the brain works, but they can become more frequent or “sticky” in kids who are anxious, perfectionistic, or dealing with conditions like OCD or trauma. Paying extra attention to the thought can also make it return more often.

Do intrusive thoughts mean I want to act on them?

No. Having an intrusive thought doesn’t mean you want to act on it or that it reflects who you are. In fact, these thoughts are often the opposite of what someone would ever want or do.

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Treating ADHD With Methylphenidate (Ritalin, Concerta)

Methylphenidate is a stimulant medication used to treat symptoms of ADHD. It helps the brain regulate attention, focus, and impulsive behaviors.

It’s one of the two stimulants widely used in ADHD medications. Methylphenidate is the active ingredient in Ritalin and Concerta, among others. The other commonly used stimulant, amphetamine, is the active ingredient in Adderall and Vyvanse, among others. Both stimulants work by increasing levels of dopamine and norepinephrine, chemicals in the brain that control attention, focus, and impulsivity. If a child doesn’t do well on the first stimulant medication they try, they may respond better to a different formulation of that type or the other type of stimulant.

How is methylphenidate different from amphetamine?

Methylphenidate is somewhat less powerful than amphetamine and tends to have milder side effects.

If your child is under 12 and has just been diagnosed with ADHD, a doctor is likely to prescribe a methylphenidate medication first, to see how well the medication reduces their ADHD symptoms, and whether the side effects are problematic.

Methylphenidate is also many doctors’ first choice for younger children because it has been used to treat ADHD much longer than amphetamine. Ritalin (methylphenidate-based) was FDA approved in 1955, while Adderall (amphetamine-based) wasn’t approved until 1996. In countries outside the United States, amphetamine-based ADHD medications are less widely approved than those based on methylphenidate.

How methylphenidate works vs amphetamine

The two stimulants target the same brain chemicals but work slightly differently, says Paul Mitrani, MD, PhD, a child and adolescent psychiatrist at the Child Mind Institute. Methylphenidate increases the levels of dopamine and norepinephrine by blocking what’s called reuptake — the process by which nerve cells reabsorb these chemicals after they’ve been released. As Dr. Mitrani describes it, methylphenidate “enhances” the norepinephrine and dopamine the brain naturally releases by making the chemicals stay around longer. It boosts the stimulation the brain is already getting from whatever activity the child is engaged in.

Amphetamine, on the other hand, not only blocks reuptake but stimulates the release of more dopamine and norepinephrine, which is why it’s considered stronger. “Adding stimulation with amphetamine sometimes helps,” he notes. “But sometimes that added stimulation is too much, and it increases side effects the child experiences.”

Kids vary in how they respond to methylphenidate vs amphetamine

There is individual variation in how children respond to the two stimulants. So if methylphenidate doesn’t give the desired symptom relief or produces problematic side effects, it’s recommended practice to try amphetamine, or vice versa. Research shows that 70 percent of children with ADHD respond to a trial of methylphenidate. More than 90 percent will have a beneficial response to one of the stimulants if both methylphenidate and amphetamine are tried. Studies also show that approximately 41 percent respond equally well to both types of stimulant.

Children can also vary in their response to different formulations of the same stimulant, which affect the rate at which the medication goes into the bloodstream.  For instance, a short-acting form of Ritalin will kick in quickly and last for 3-4 hours, while Concerta, a delayed-release formula, lasts as long as 10-12 hours. It’s very common for kids to try several before finding the best fit.

What are the side effects of stimulant medications?

Methylphenidate and amphetamine have the same side effects, though they may be less intense with the former.

Appetite suppression

The most common side effect of stimulants is appetite suppression. It can be especially concerning with long-acting forms of the medication, which are often preferred to get better coverage through the school day. Kids who take a long-acting stimulant in the morning tend to lose their appetite for lunch and may not be interested in eating until after dinnertime.

When this is a problem, Dr. Mitrani notes that taking a shorter-acting form of the medication can help. “For instance, Concerta is a methylphenidate medication that lasts for a long time and can suppress appetite for 10–12 hours.” An alternative might be a medication that lasts for 6–8 hours, such as Metadate CD or Ritalin LA. Some children with more pronounced problems with appetite will do better on a short-acting dose in the morning and then another after lunch, he adds, since it gives them a break during the day where they can eat better.

Sleep issues

Kids who take stimulant medication can have trouble falling asleep. This can happen when a long-acting medication or an afternoon dose of a short-acting medication wears off and they get restless or hyperactive around bedtime. Difficulty falling asleep can get better after a few weeks, but if it doesn’t, it may be helpful to change either the timing or the type of the medication that is given. It’s also important to explore whether there are other contributors to sleep challenges, such as worry, screen time too close to bedtime, or lack of a consistent evening routine that helps kids calm down.

Irritability

Stimulant medications can generate agitation and irritability, which can be especially problematic in kids who are already anxious. For children with anxiety, this can be another reason to start treatment with methylphenidate, because amphetamines can feel more activating.

But Dr. Mitrani notes that treating ADHD can also reduce anxiety: “Some kids are so stressed about school — because they can’t pay attention or arealways getting in trouble — that when you treat the ADHD, they are better able to manage the demands of school and become less anxious.”

That reduction in school anxiety can also affect what happens when they get home from school. “When there is anxiety, it’s like kids are holding it together at school, and then they come home after a stressful day and just let it out,” he says. “So if the school day is less stressful, you may also see that come down at the end of the day.”

Mood changes

Some children report that stimulant medications seem to dull their personality. Dr. Mitrani suggests that this may be connected to the medication stimulating the prefrontal cortex, the part of the brain that not only manages attention and focus, but also helps regulate emotions and impulse control in other brain areas. “Enhanced control of the emotional part of the brain can cause this feeling of dullness,” he notes. “Some people will even say they feel depressed, that they’re just not like themselves because they don’t have the same energy or personality.”

If this happens to a child on methylphenidate, Dr. Mitrani will recommend trying an amphetamine or a non-stimulant medication.

Rebound effects

Some families report that their child is irritable or emotional after school or at the end of the day, when the stimulant medication is wearing off. Dr. Mitrani notes that this can coincide with the child being hungry after missing lunch. It can also be connected to the medication level dropping too quickly, and strategies that create a more gradual decrease may help take it away. For example, he might suggest adding a small dose of  short-acting form of the stimulant a half hour before the morning medication wears off.

Starting children on methylphenidate

Dr. Mitrani usually starts a child on a short-acting form of methylphenidate for two reasons: as a quick test to see if the child will experience side effects and to have an opportunity to try it twice in a day, to have more chances to assess for positive changes.

He recommends starting the medication on a weekend or a break from school and giving the child some tasks that are challenging for them because of their ADHD, like reading or something else that requires concentration, such as cleaning their room or doing household chores. “After lunch you want to try it again, to have another time point to check on. Because if you only give one dose of the medication, you don’t know if the child’s behavior was a result of the medication or some other factor. The more data points that we have, or more trials, the more information we get.”

He recommends keeping the child on short-acting doses for at least several days before trying a longer-acting formula.

Starting children on a low dose

Practice guidelines for psychiatrists recommend starting children on a low dose to assess any side effects the child might experience and gradually increasing it over 1-2 weeks with careful monitoring of response until you reach the minimum dose that will give the best symptom relief.

There is a great deal of variation in how children respond to these medications, so starting with an “average” effective dose, even adjusted by body weight, would be under-medicating some kids and overmedicating others.

For instance, for a 6- or 7-year-old child, a common starting dose of a short-acting medication might be about 2.5 mg, going up to 5 mg if more is needed for symptom relief and side effects are not an issue, Dr. Mitrani says. 

Liquid versions of either stimulant have an advantage when it comes to getting exactly the right dose, he notes: “You can do, 1 milliliter, 1.5, 1.6, depending on the syringe.”

Long-acting formulations that come in capsules can be especially frustrating, he adds — since they come in set doses and can’t be opened and divided effectively, because the beads inside are made to be triggered at different time periods.

Trying different formulations

Dr. Mitrani stresses that small differences in the formulation of a medication can make a difference in a child’s reaction.

For instance, Focalin (dexmethylphenidate) is a refined form of methylphenidate. Standard methylphenidate medications contain two mirror-image forms, or isomers, but most of the benefit comes from one of them. Focalin contains only this more active isomer. For some children, it works better, causes fewer side effects, or feels smoother.

He also notes that variations in the release patterns among long-acting formulations can affect a child’s experience. “Take Concerta, which has a unique mechanism for the extended release,” he explains. “There are three phases: a really immediate phase, then a regular Ritalin kind of phase and, then a slow extrusion of the remaining methylphenidate throughout the day that helps it last as long as 12 hours.”

By contrast, he describes Ritalin LA, which tends to last for 6-8 hours, as “50-50” — 50 percent of the dose is immediate released and the other half is delayed release. Other formulations are “40-60” or “30-70.” “These subtle differences can result in some kids responding better to one than the other, while other kids can do well on any of them.”

So even within the methylphenidate group, there may be reason to try a child on number of different formulations to get the best fit. And, of course, other reasons for trying different versions are limits on what insurance covers —which can change suddenly — and what’s available because of shortages. “And that can be really frustrating for families,” he says. “What I hear is, ‘My child was on Concerta or on Metadate CD and they made me switch to this one and now my kid’s not doing as well.’ “


When families cannot get a medication that has been working, finding another medication that’s available, that’s effective, and that insurance will approve can be a lot of hoops to jump through, he adds.

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