SleepPathfinder: A Socratic Questioning and Self-Decision–Based Chatbot to Support User Engagement in Digital CBT-I: Usability and Feasibility Study

Background: Chronic insomnia is a highly prevalent sleep disorder that adversely affects quality of life and mental health. Cognitive behavioral therapy for insomnia (CBT-I) is internationally recommended as the first-line treatment, and digital CBT-I (dCBT-I) has been developed to improve accessibility and scalability. While existing dCBT-I systems effectively support structured behavioral training through standardized protocols, they provide relatively limited support for users’ cognitive exploration and meaning-making processes, particularly in helping users reflect on and internalize the rationale behind CBT-I practices in daily life. These limitations may contribute to challenges in sustained engagement and long-term adherence. Objective: This study aimed to examine the usability and feasibility of SleepPathfinder, a conversational CBT-I support chatbot that integrates Socratic questioning and a self-decision mechanism to support users’ understanding of and engagement with CBT-I practices. Methods: SleepPathfinder was designed around a 4-stage conversational flow: education on CBT-I techniques, Socratic cognitive exploration, self-decision, and advice provision. We conducted (1) a single-session pilot usability study (n=45) to assess system stability and user experience and (2) a 5-day condition-based comparative experiment (n=30) consisting of daily sessions, comparing an exploratory dialogue condition with a directive, protocol-guided dialogue condition. Quantitative measures assessed usability, cognitive appraisals related to sleep problems, autonomy-related experiences, and behavioral readiness, while qualitative feedback and conversational log analyses were used to examine interaction patterns and engagement characteristics. Results: In the comparative experiment, the exploratory dialogue condition showed a tendency toward reduced perceived threat and severity appraisal of sleep problems compared with the directive condition, accompanied by moderate effect sizes in cognitive perception measures. Autonomy-related experiences, including perceived choice and engagement, demonstrated suggestive upward trends in the exploratory condition. Behavioral intention changes were comparable across conditions, while overall readiness for change increased across participants. Conversational log analyses indicated that greater depth and volume of user self-narrative were associated with larger shifts in cognitive appraisals, whereas the frequency of chatbot questions alone was not. The pilot usability study indicated generally positive evaluations of system usability and content credibility, while identifying areas for improvement in emotional responsiveness and conversational naturalness. Conclusions: These findings suggest that a Socratic questioning–based and self-decision–based conversational structure is usable and feasible as a supportive interaction layer within dCBT-I systems. Rather than altering the directive behavioral structure of CBT-I, such an approach may complement existing protocols by facilitating cognitive exploration and supporting user-perceived autonomy. This study provides design-oriented evidence to inform the refinement of dialogue-supported digital CBT-I systems aimed at enhancing user engagement with CBT-I practices.
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New national action plan targets gaps at the intersection of mental health and criminal justice.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

OTTAWA, ON – The Mental Health Commission of Canada (the Commission) today released “Finding New Pathways: An action plan for criminal justice and mental health in Canada”. The plan provides an evidence-based roadmap to address systemic gaps in care, coordination, and community supports, recognizing the impact of mental health on the criminal justice system.

Many are working to improve outcomes but needs remain high and progress is uneven. This action plan is a practical pan-Canadian reference point that seeks to contribute to the mental health and wellbeing of all individuals who interact with the criminal justice and forensic mental health systems, including those who work within them.

Developed through a rigorous five-year process, the action plan was shaped by input from national subject matter experts, research, and the lived and living experiences of justice-involved individuals and system workers. The action plan comes at a critical time, as individuals experiencing mental health challenges currently comprise roughly three-quarters of all federally incarcerated people in Canada.

“Meaningful and sustainable transformation is within reach for Canada,” said Lili-Anna Pereša, President and CEO of the Mental Health Commission of Canada. “While these transformative changes cannot be implemented overnight or by one group alone, this action plan serves as a starting point. It centralizes evidence-based approaches designed to break the cycle of recidivism and prioritize prevention, diversion, end-to-end supports and continuity of care.” The action plan stands on three strategic pillars:

  • Care, not criminalization: Ensuring all people in Canada have access to supports that help prevent involvement with the criminal justice system, and prioritizing diversion for those with mental illnesses.
  • Care during criminal justice involvement: Providing access to high-quality, trauma-informed, and culturally safe health and social supports for those within the system.
  • Care after criminal justice involvement: continuity of care and seamless integration into community-based mental health
    and substance use services upon release.

“Finding New Pathways” identifies 68 specific recommendations across individual, community, institutional, systemic, and societal levels. It pays particular attention to priority populations, including people from First Nations, Inuit, and Métis, and African, Caribbean, and Black, and other equity-deserving groups who are currently overrepresented in the justice system and face distinct mental health needs.

The action plan further highlights the critical importance of supporting the psychological health and safety of workers within the criminal justice and forensic mental health systems, noting that public safety personnel are significantly more likely to experience symptoms consistent with mental disorders than the general population.

Howard Sapers, current executive director of the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, former Correctional Investigator of Canada, and project advisor for the action plan, emphasized the necessity of these reforms: “ or too long, Canada’s criminal justice system has been asked to shoulder responsibilities it was never designed to carry. The over representation of people with mental health needs in police encounters, courts, and correctional facilities is a predictable consequence of systemic gaps in care, coordination, and community supports. The Mental Health Commission of Canada’s National Action Plan offers something we have been missing for years: a coherent, evidence-based roadmap that prioritizes health, human rights, and dignity.”.

Media Contact:

For English requests, please contact Josie Sabatino at jsabatino@summa.ca; 250-649-6856.

For French requests, please contact Carlene Variyan, cvariyan@summa.ca; 613-601-7456.

About the Mental Health Commission of Canada

The Commission is a national organization committed to recognizing and contributing to a new and equitable relationship with First Peoples, with its head office located on the unceded traditional territory of the Algonquin Anishinaabe Nation in Ottawa.

As an independent, not-for-profit with charitable status, the Commission collaborates with leading experts and organizations nationally and internationally, including with people with lived and living experience, to develop national guidelines, standards and strategies, promote innovation and best practices, reduce stigma, increase mental health literacy, develop and deliver training through our Opening Minds division and support all levels of government to improve mental health outcomes for everyone living in Canada.   

The post New national action plan targets gaps at the intersection of mental health and criminal justice. appeared first on Mental Health Commission of Canada.

Awakening from the Trance

This blog was originally posted by the TLC Foundation for BFRBs

Trichotillomania touches on all levels of human experience, from the neurological to the spiritual. It represents the interactions of brain chemistry, but also habituated physiological responses, sensory processing, behavior patterns, characteristic emotional states, perceptual styles and beliefs, and the sense of interconnectedness with others and the experience of faith. It is more than just a behavior, although it is most apparent when it manifests itself in that way.

Trichotillomania can be treated at all of these levels through different treatment approaches: medication, relaxation and response prevention, behavior modification, hypnotherapy, psychotherapy, cognitive therapy and visualization, group therapy and spiritual practices. The most effective approach will depend on the specific needs and circumstances of each individual at specific times, as well as on the compatibility of the personalities of the treatment provider and patient/participant.

In this article I will present my own view of treatment with a particular focus on how to understand and address the aspect of trance.

“Trance” is not a clinical term, but it is one which most pullers seem to recognize immediately as a significant part of the hair pulling experience: particularly when reading or watching TV. However, I believe that any time one is pulling, one has entered a trance state and that trance states occur with great frequency even at other times. To look at how to make use of this concept I will first describe what I think treatment needs to address.

Trichotillomania as a symptom: My approach is to look at what the behavior of pulling means to a particular person, and what it means about them. I view pulling as a symptom which indicates something about what is going on in that person’s life and can be best understood if we look at the context in which it occurs – both over time (how did it evolve), and ecologically (how does it fit into the network of the person’s relationships, commitments, self-perceptions, experiences of their own body and emotional states, etc.).

Symptoms are an indication of the existence of some other process. Just as a fever may reflect a viral infection, a repetitive behavior reflects an underlying mental activity. The symptom develops in response to the activity and one of its functions is to achieve some control over the consequences of that mental activity. I believe that trichotillomania indicates an attempted solution to a psychological challenge (or opportunity) one is facing in one’s life. However, it is an ineffective solution for two reasons. Firstly, it doesn’t alter the situation which has become challenging, and so the underlying causes remain unchanged. Secondly, by drawing attention onto itself it obscures those underlying causes. It distracts attention from them.

But the behavior, none the less, does have some purpose and utility. It relieves the anxiety of becoming too aware that there are challenges and opportunities which one feels unprepared to confront.

The role of emotions:

The mechanism which could be drawing one’s attention to these challenges and opportunities is the experience of emotional reaction. Emotions serve to amplify our perceptions of situations by making the good seem better and the bad seem worse. In that way, they lead us to focus on what is important to us so that we will take action. Being able to notice and interpret our emotions is something we learn as we grow up. Emotions represent a kind of language for helping us make meaningful choices as we engage with life.

But if these emotions were felt to be too overwhelming – if what they indicated felt too bad to be tolerated because we did not learn how to resolve the situations they drew attention to – then we eliminated them from our emotional vocabulary and we restricted our awareness of them. Now, when those situations reoccur, rather than notice our feelings of hopelessness and helplessness, we may turn to other mechanisms, more basic ones rooted in physical sensations, to occupy ourselves and restore some sense of order to the world.

So, in this model, the behavior of hair pulling is not an indicator of psychological inadequacy, but rather a lack of awareness. It reflects a split between awareness/thoughts and sensations/feelings. It is the result of an unknown mental process, something one has not been able to assimilate into one’s conscious thought, for which no words or language have been developed.

If this could be understood then I believe there would be less justification for feelings of shame connected with Trichotillomania, because Trichotillomania represents an underlying process outside of personal awareness, and thus is not something voluntarily chosen. (It would also answer the following disturbing statement frequently made to hair pullers: “You could stop if you really wanted to.”)

I have so far described how emotional activity and unconscious thoughts affect us in ways which we do not recognize. Despite this lack of recognition, we still need to adjust to them and regulate or organize ourselves. A good example of this is the way in which a fussy baby, if not picked up or fed when it wants to be, learns to get its thumb into its mouth and suck on it. It is finding a way to organize its reactions to its world by retreating into an attitude of self-sufficiency. In this way it solves the problems of the conflict it experiences between the emotions it feels and the lack of a way to take effective action about them in the outside world. It restores order by returning to a sensation-based activity which it has control over. It has learned to retreat into a trance.

The similarities between this example and the experience of hair pulling are striking. So how is Trichotillomania like a trance, exactly?

Trance:

The (Oxford) dictionary defines “trance” in these ways: a suspension of consciousness; a state of mental abstraction from external things; absorption, exaltation, rapture, ecstasy. Going into a trance is turning away from the world, suspending engagement with it, and entering a twilight zone of self-enchantment. The experience is one of being in between states: neither in one’s own mind, nor aware of one’s body. One has turned away, both from the rest of the world and from the rest of oneself.

It is a state in which one doesn’t think about what one feels, and doesn’t act on what one feels. One has turned away from the parts of the self which are concerned with action and purposefulness. In the trance state, a part of the personality takes over which doesn’t care about anything (except the act of pulling) and ignores the existence of time or consequences to one’s actions. It is the opposite of the perfectionist attitude so common to many hair pullers. Becoming entranced in the act of reading, for example, one detaches from the here and now, and allows this part of the personality to “come out”: while the cat’s away, the mouse plays. It is a secure, dependable, magical place in which one can avoid dealing with the stimulation of one’s spontaneous emotional responses to life.

If we look again at the role of emotions as amplifiers of perceptions, we see that what is happening in this state is that one is neither thinking about, nor acting on, what the emotions could be indicating. And as they indicate what is important so that action can be taken, the trance state eliminates the possibility of taking the action required.

How does this detaching process become chronic?

I believe it is the result of repeated experiences of failing to take effective action on what one’s emotions tell one is important. This failure can have many causes, but the result is that these important situations become perceived as challenging and threatening because they are felt as over stimulating. To protect oneself from discomfort, one disassociates from the situation. The part of oneself which perceives or feels what is going on is split off from consciousness. What remains conscious is the part which doesn’t feel and which preserves a sense of order and calm. Gradually, a gap develops between this external presentation of the self – as coherent, caring, positive – and an inner state of feeling confused, frustrated, and overwhelmed.

A false self develops, a self which appears to be more in control than is actually felt, and which one tries to believe in. The fear of having this façade penetrated adds greatly to the level of stress felt by hair pullers. Because this false self cannot be dropped when one’s gut reactions tell one to, one becomes trapped in a vicious circle that leaves one over stimulated (including the times when one merely seems to be bored), detaching from one’s body, and trying to regain control. A strong need is felt to reconnect to the body and feel grounded.‍

Trichotillomania as a return to the body:

The route to feeling in one’s body again is through becoming hyperaware and hypersensitive to sensation. This is a more basic and elementary experience of oneself: one cannot think or feel what is happening, so one uses a physical behavior to establish a link between unconscious inner experience and being in the real, physical world. This provides a solution to the twilight state of feeling detached. The sensation-focused behavior provides a substitute sense of being connected, and its ritualistic aspect creates a sense of soothing order rather than chaos.

So, looked at in this way, the act of pulling a hair actually represents the second stage of entering into a trance. The trance is triggered by the habitual reaction of disassociating rather than facing a situation which one perceives as overwhelming. But while an attitude of order and calm is being adopted (a state of “mental abstraction”), the experience of being detached from the feelings in the body becomes disorienting and the urgent need is felt to focus on the sensation of touching, playing with, and pulling hair. This provides the experience of concreteness and connectedness which allows the trance to continue.

Awakening:

What is needed is a process for regaining consciousness and turning back to engaging with life. How does one wake up? How can one build a sort of observational platform from which to watch the process of entering into a trance; one which can be separate from the process itself? I would suggest that rather than start with the ultimate goal of avoiding trance states altogether (which may be unreachable), a more pragmatic approach would be to learn how to wake up once one starts.

When we drive long distances on freeways and our attention wanders, we sometimes find ourselves drifting over into the next lane. If there were raised lane markers on the road, they would then alert us by causing a noise and a vibration as the car drove over them. That is the kind of alarm system we are looking for. It doesn’t prevent our minds from wandering, but it brings us back to the here-and-now experience before we get into trouble.

Such a system does exist: it is the sensation of a hair being pulled out. Once one hair is pulled, the opportunity exists to break the trance. That hair can be a signal to come back to the here and now rather than getting into the trouble of starting a pulling binge. (The goal of stopping at one hair pulled would also very likely include the benefit of making it much easier to commit to a realistic process of bringing the behavior within tolerable limits.)

How can one learn to stop at just one? Setting such a goal becomes much more possible if one understands one’s reasons for avoiding the goal until now. I have discussed in this article how Trichotillomania is a process which provides an attempted solution to an underlying tension. There is an inevitable anxiety about relinquishing a familiar, dependable behavior. A part of oneself therefore resists changing it and depends on the benefits it brings. This part has no intention of allowing any changes to occur unless one is prepared for the emotional experiences that follow, and it protects one from them.

A way to understand this resistance to change would be to think of the patterns of our behavior as a balanced mobile hanging from the ceiling. All its parts are interconnected and form a stable pattern. If we remove one of the parts, all of the others start to swing wildly until they settle into a new, substantially different formation. The intermediate stage of unbalanced, indeterminate movement could be likened to the feeling of overstimulation from one’s emotions when the ritualistic trance is denied.

To prepare for this change, an expanded awareness of emotional experience and what it teaches is indispensable. The remainder of this article offers some suggestions for work that can be done alone to expand this ability. This task is made much easier and more effective, however, when it is done in the context of a healing dialogue: either in individual or group therapy, or in a support group. This option deserves serious consideration because the act of communicating to another person helps bring one’s inner experiences into focus. Additionally, when there is the trust that the other person is willing not only to listen but to actively attempt to grasp what the speaker means from the speaker’s own point of view, the feeling of validation and recognition received makes awareness of the emotional states more bearable.

Reading the signals:

Part of the personal preparation which can be done is to establish intent to learn from what is found when one tries to read the signals. This would require a willingness to recognize that there are good reasons for what one feels rather than prejudging emotions as wrong, inappropriate, or proof of all the “bad” things one has come to believe about oneself. It also requires a willingness to feel discomfort, hurt, and vulnerability so that there can be a return to wholeness and the sense of being fully alive.

1. The most direct step is simply to ask yourself questions such as: What am I feeling? What is on my mind? Is something bothering me? What do I want right now? Is there something I should be doing? Special attention should be paid to the first answer that comes to mind, even if it very quickly disappears or seems insignificant. You should have an open mind and be prepared to be surprised. Before asking yourself these questions, stop the activity you are doing, if possible. If answers do not emerge the following techniques can be tried.

2. Let your body speak. Allow yourself to become aware of where you feel tension or discomfort. Imagine that that part of you has a voice and can answer the questions in Step One. Try asking follow-up questions to learn more.

3. Try exaggerating the physical state that you are in. That is, whatever movement your body is making or would like to make, take it to an extreme as if you were a very melodramatic actor or dancer who had no inhibitions. Again, think about how your body is expressing answers to the questions in Step One.

4. Visualize yourself as a child of about five and ask the questions of her or him. The answers should seem to be in the language of a 5-year-old. It might help to hold an object such as a cushion or stuffed animal to you as you try to make contact with yourself in this way. It also might help to combine this with some exaggeration of body expression. Additional questions you might ask could be: What do you need from me? Is somebody upsetting you? (See Reference 1.)

5. Write a question to the child, then switch your pen to your other hand and write the answer with that hand. You should write very quickly and with no attempt to make the writing more legible. Then switch your pen back to your original hand for a further question. Continue the dialogue, and the switching of hands, until no further clarification is necessary. The purpose of this technique is to facilitate the spontaneous flow of ideas. (See Reference 2.)

6. Write out the questions as complete sentences to be completed and complete the same question five times as quickly as possible. The questions would be rewritten as follows: Right now, I want….; or: I am upset because…. Allow any response to come forward. Often, a few unrevealing responses will be followed by one unexpected and more valuable one. (See Reference 3.)

7. Hold the hair which has just been pulled out and ask yourself: What did this hair give itself up for? A significant reason for the failure to stop hair pulling is the frequent presence of trance states, which enable one to deny the consequences of the behavior. Additionally, the experience of trance encourages one to focus on physical sensations such as the feeling of a hair being pulled, so as to achieve a greater sense of being connected to reality.

I have described how one enters a trance when certain situations trigger a habituated expectation of becoming overwhelmed. In self-defense one suspends consciousness of the challenge and retreats into a state of emotional detachment. The alternative to the trance, then, is to identify and assimilate the emotional cues about the situation so that appropriate action can be taken. The sensation of the first hair being pulled can serve as an alarm to awaken one from the trance and begin this process of self-evaluation and a return to an alert engagement with life.

Reference 1: Margaret Paul. Inner Bonding. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1990.Reference 2: Lucia Cappachione. The Power of Your Other Hand. North Hollywood, CA: Newcastle Publishing, 1988.Reference 3: Nathaniel Branden. How to Raise Your Self-Esteem. New York: Bantam, 1987.

The post Awakening from the Trance appeared first on International OCD Foundation.

Tics and OCD: Why Treatments Differ and Ways to Support Your Kids

by Dr. Christine Conelea and Dr. Adrienne Manbeck

Tics, compulsions, and obsessions are part of many people’s everyday lives. As clinicians and researchers at the University of Minnesota Tic and Compulsivity Lab (MnTiC), we see people living with different, unique combinations of these symptoms that can feel interconnected. There are some broad differences between tics, obsessions, and compulsions, but it’s important to note that they do overlap and that a person can have all of these things at the same time. Still, disentangling symptoms in order to provide effective treatment can sometimes be challenging. 

Tics and compulsions are similar in that they both involve movements that are repetitive and difficult for the person to control. Research has shown that overlapping genetic, neurological, and psychological factors contribute to both experiences. Because of this, some researchers and clinicians consider both tics and compulsions to be on the “obsessive-compulsive spectrum.” However, there are important differences in treatment and in how loved ones can provide support.

Behaviors

Tics are sudden, repetitive, involuntary movements or sounds that are usually very brief.   Common tics include rapid or hard eye blinking, facial scrunching, throat clearing or sniffing. In our studies, we have found that people with tics have an average of 8 tics per minute. 

Many individuals with tics experience an urge right before they tic. This urge can feel like tension, an itch or pressure that typically goes away after the tic occurs. Tics tend to   wax and wane over time. Compulsions are often more rule bound or rigid and are driven by a thought. Common compulsions include checking, counting, washing and reordering. They tend to be longer, smooth movements or sequences of movements. They’re linked to very specific situations, triggers, or thoughts to prevent something bad from happening or to relieve anxiety. Compulsions can also be done in one’s head–like reviewing a memory or providing yourself reassurance.

Why Treatments Differ

Although tic disorders and OCD sometimes look similar on the surface (repetitive movements can occur in both), they are different disorders. Subjectively speaking, tics can feel like a “body itch” while compulsions might feel like a “brain itch.” Though they may be very connected for some people, what works for one won’t necessarily work for the other. 

In general, we often take a less interventionist approach to tic disorders because tics may not be inherently harmful. On the other hand, because compulsions work to reinforce obsessive thoughts and provide escape from non-harmful but unpleasant feelings, we often intervene with OCD as soon as possible. As clinicians working with children and teens, we want to help kids learn to be brave, learn that they can tolerate distress associated with anxiety, and learn that OCD doesn’t get to make their decisions for them. 

Watchful Waiting

In general, OCD will not get better on its own. If a parent notices symptoms associated with distress or impairment, taking action of some kind is often the best approach. If tics aren’t causing problems for a child, it might be best to monitor. If tics become painful, start to bother your child, or in some other way cause harm, that might be the time to pursue treatment. The American Academy of Neurology refers to this as “watchful waiting” and sees it as an appropriate treatment, in some cases, for tics.

Tips for Providing Support

People with tic disorders face high stigma and discrimination compared to the general population. Tics are often hyper-visible and poorly understood. For OCD, stigma is more likely to emerge from public messaging rather than hypervisibility. The general public talks about OCD in a highly stereotyped way that misses a lot of people’s actual experiences with OCD and can trivialize symptoms. 

For both OCD and tic disorders, parents can help support their child by collaboratively developing a reward structure for hard work in therapy.

For tic disorders, research has shown that situational factors have an important role in influencing tics, including what a person is doing, who is around them, and how they are feeling. Most people can identify situational factors that make their tics better or worse. Some factors frequently associated with tic exacerbation are fatigue, social events, and starting school in the fall. Stress, frustration, or anxiety-provoking events can make it harder for the brain to inhibit tics. Events frequently reported to coincide with tic reductions include social interactions with familiar people, situations in which the individual is a passive participant or deeply focused on a task, and leisure activities. 

Because tics are so reactive to situational factors, one of the best ways to provide support is to create tic-neutral environments. This means eliminating intended or unintended consequences related to the tics, such as minimizing reactions to tics or changes to activities because of tics. We frame this as, “focusing on the person instead of the tics.” Tic neutrality can also help children feel better about tics since they can’t control them. 

For OCD, minimizing parent accommodation, or the things that parents do to help their kids avoid feeling anxious, can be helpful. Parents can help their kids by reducing accommodation and encouraging their children to be brave and face their fears in manageable, developmentally-appropriate ways.


About the Authors:

Christine Conelea, PhD is an Associate Professor in the Department of Psychiatry & Behavioral Sciences at the University of Minnesota, a licensed clinical psychologist, and the director of the MnTiC Lab. Dr. Conelea’s research interests include Tourette Syndrome/tic disorders, obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), and anxiety disorders. She is particularly interested in understanding how the brain, environment, and psychosocial factors interact to impact symptoms and treatment outcomes.

Adrienne Manbeck, PhD, is a postdoctoral fellow in the MnTiC Lab. Dr. Manbeck earned her doctorate in clinical psychology at the University of Minnesota and completed her pre-doctoral internship at Allegheny General Hospital in Pittsburgh, PA. Dr. Manbeck’s research aims to better understand the development, maintenance, and treatment of OCD and anxiety disorders across the lifespan, with a particular emphasis on the impact of societal stressors on these disorders, including the ways in which societal stressors impact symptom severity, access to high-quality treatment, and impact of treatment on symptoms.


More Reading:

Micali, N., Heyman, I., Perez, M., Hilton, K., Nakatani, E., Turner, C., & Mataix-Cols, D. (2010). Long-term outcomes of obsessive–compulsive disorder: Follow-up of 142 children and adolescents. British Journal of Psychiatry, 197(2), 128–134. 

Conelea, C.A., Woods, D.W., Zinner, S.H. et al. The Impact of Tourette Syndrome in Adults: Results from the Tourette Syndrome Impact Survey. Community Ment Health J 49, 110–120 (2013).

Tourette Association of America Tourette Awareness Month resources

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The post Tics and OCD: Why Treatments Differ and Ways to Support Your Kids appeared first on International OCD Foundation.

Detection of Self-Harm in Electronic Mental Health Records Using Privacy-Preserving Local Language Models: Methodological Study

Background: Self-harm is the strongest risk factor for suicide and an important outcome for mental health care. Although prevalent in clinical populations, it is often imprecisely captured in routinely collected clinical data, where it is often recorded and stored as unstructured free text. Contemporary language models, such as GPT (OpenAI) and Gemini (Google), can analyze free-text clinical notes, but such models may violate data governance of processing sensitive patient data. Objective: This study aimed to evaluate whether a privacy-preserving language model running entirely within an institution’s secure computing infrastructure (here, the UK National Health Service [NHS]) could accurately identify the presence and timing of self-harm using electronic health records from secondary mental health care. Methods: Clinical notes were drawn from Oxford Health NHS Foundation Trust using a multistage workflow: (1) a random sample of 1000 patients with a psychiatric diagnosis, defined according to the (; codes F00–F99); (2) candidate-note identification using a Gemma3-4b language model to flag notes containing self-harm content; and (3) from those candidates, 1352 randomly sampled notes were selected for expert annotation, resulting in gold-standard corpus enriched for self-harm content. Clinical notes were annotated for the presence of self-harm and its timing (≤90 days, >90 days, or unknown). A privacy-preserving locally served 27-billion-parameter Gemma 3 language model (“Gemma3-27b”) was used as the core model. Prompts were systematically developed and refined using a labeled development set to identify self-harm and generate a structured output per clinical record. Gemma3-27b performance was compared against a strong baseline multilabel text classification model based on robustly optimized BERT pretraining approach (RoBERTa), a transformer-based language model architecture. Model performance was evaluated using precision, recall, and the -score (harmonic mean of precision and recall), with 95% CIs estimated from 1000 bootstrap samples with replacement. Results: Gemma3-27b outperformed the RoBERTa classifier across all categories, achieving Precision=0.92, Recall=0.92 (sensitivity), and -score=0.92 for notes containing self-harm, and Precision=0.97, Recall=0.97 (specificity), and -score=0.97 for notes without self-harm. For the 51 notes labeled as recent self-harm in the held-out test set, Gemma3-27b achieved Precision=0.84, Recall=0.75, and -score=0.79. The global weighted -score of Gemma3-27b across all categories was 0.88, compared to 0.85 for RoBERTa. Conclusions: With systematic prompt development on a labeled development set, but no gradient-based fine-tuning, the current Gemma3-27b language model matched or exceeded a fine-tuned RoBERTa classifier for ascertaining self-harm events and their timing. Aggregate gains were modest, while improvements were largest in the most challenging, lower-frequency timing categories. On a simplified binary recent-versus-other task, RoBERTa performed marginally better, indicating that supervised classifiers remain highly effective when the task is simplified and sufficient labeled data exist. This work demonstrates the technical feasibility of privacy-preserving self-harm detection within a secure NHS research environment.

Recommendations for Research and Clinical Implementation of Ambulatory Assessment, Mood Monitoring, Digital Phenotyping, and Remote Measurement Technology in Mood Disorders: Synthesis of Systematic Review Findings

Background: Ambulatory assessment and active and passive monitoring all offer a real-time, flexible approach to assessing mood and behavior in mood disorders. Despite their potential, concerns remain regarding the performance, usability, adherence, and potential safety of these tools. Objective: This study synthesizes the findings from 7 systematic reviews, integrating quantitative and qualitative data from randomized trials, observational studies, and user experience research to evaluate the performance, feasibility, acceptability, and clinical impact of ambulatory assessment and mood monitoring in people with depression and bipolar disorder. We assessed studies over the medium or long term (3 months or more). Methods: A summary of a series of systematic reviews was carried out by the authors—including meta-analyses (for quantitative data) and meta-syntheses (for qualitative data). Eight electronic databases were searched, and mixed methods studies were included. Studies were assessed for risk of bias. The results were checked for coherence, and recommendations were made by individuals with lived experience, methodologists, and psychiatrists. GRADE (Grading of Recommendations Assessment, Development, and Evaluation) was used to assess the quality and strength of the evidence. Results: The 111 included studies included 19,945 participants and used 69 different ambulatory assessment protocols or mood-monitoring interventions. Key barriers to implementation were identified, including performance inconsistency, adverse effects, and user disengagement. Evidence-based recommendations are provided to guide future clinical and research applications. Conclusions: Ambulatory assessment and mood monitoring hold promise in research and clinical practice, yet their implementation requires more rigorous evaluation, greater personalization, and responsible, user-centered design. Crucially, these measures can add granularity and confirmation, but additional context is often required, and none of these measures are robust enough yet to replace current outcomes.
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