Boys, Masculinity, and the Looksmaxxing Trend  

By now, you’ve probably heard of the term looksmaxxing. Think pieces about the trend have popped up all over the internet. And in a recent episode of Saturday Night Live, comedians poked fun at lookmaxxing influencers obsessed with having the perfect male physique.

While this new social media craze may seem silly, it’s impacting more boys than you might think. In a study conducted last year that surveyed over 3,000 young men (ages 16–25) from the United States, United Kingdom, and Australia, nearly two-thirds of participants were regularly engaging with masculinity influencers.

Teen boys are being encouraged to change the way they look in order to fit a certain standard of attraction. The growing amount of looksmaxxing content they see online can have real effects on their self-esteem and mental health.   

What is looksmaxxing?  

Looksmaxxing originated nearly a decade ago in incel forums where men blamed their lack of romantic partners on the belief that female sexual selection is primarily based on physical qualities. So men who aren’t born with traits desirable to women are doomed to fail romantically. While traditional incels wallow in this fate, looksmaxxers seek to enhance their appearance to become more attractive. Their community claims that there is a universal standard for what the ideal man (and woman) should look like.

This is determined by a rating system called the PSL scale — the name being an amalgamation of three prominent misogynistic incel forums of the 2010s. There are many factors that go into the scaling, such as eye shape, jaw size, nose angle, and body fat percentage. Along this scale, you can land in four categories: subhuman, normie, Chadlite, and Chad (the ultimate catch).

During the pandemic, looksmaxxing went mainstream, merging with “manosphere” content on social media platforms like TikTok and Instagram. The trend became less about the ability to attract women and more of a competition among boys and men as they engaged in mog-offs — online contests where people have their faces analyzed and compared by facial recognition software to determine who’s better looking.

Self-improvement practices have gained popularity among boys. Some are considered to be softmaxxing, like developing skincare routines or eating high-protein diets, and others to be hardmaxxing, like using growth hormones or getting cosmetic surgery.

Prominent young influencers like Clavicular represent the extreme side of looksmaxxing. He practices bonesmashing (using a hammer on facial bones to try to form more angular features), injects himself with testosterone, and takes meth to maintain a low body fat percentage while still having a muscular physique.

Looksmaxxing and new beauty standards

The rise of looksmaxxing seems to have a caused a ripple effect among teen boys. While the ideal look has centered on big muscles and washboard abs for decades, there’s now an added pressure on facial beauty that’s typically been reserved for girls.

“With some of the teen boys I work with, most of whom already have self-esteem issues, I think there is a lot more concern about how they look,” observes Alnardo Martinez, LMHC, director of the Pediatric OCD Intensive Program and a mental health counselor at the Child Mind Institute. “They want to have the strong jaw, really big muscles, clear skin, and a perfect haircut.”

However, Martinez notes that it sometimes take a while for boys  to admit that they feel this pressure. They may insist that they don’t really care about that stuff. “But then, maybe a few months later, it comes out that there is a lot of comparison. They’re spending a lot of time in front of the mirror or in the bathroom trying to create this perfect image,” he observes.

What teen boys think about looksmaxxing and self-improvement

We talked to young men who were critical of Clavicular and the impact looksmaxxing can have on teens but were positive about engaging in some form of physical self-improvement.

Wyatt, now 19, remembers comparing his jawline to his peers’ when he was in 7th grade. “I just felt like they had really sharp jawlines. And I was just like, ‘Oh, I want to get closer to that.’” He would also come across TikToks advertising rubber chewing blocks and chin exercises meant to strengthen the jawline.

And so, Wyatt began to do jaw exercises he’d found online, reciting the alphabet while stretching out the muscles. “I would go through my Zoom classes throughout the day and then after that was done, I’d just go into the bathroom and go through the whole exercise. It would take like an hour sometimes,” he recalls. “It turned into more like a self-care, self-improvement session. I would do that every day after my classes. I didn’t feel like I was done with school until I finished my jawline routine.” He took photos to document his progress.  

Wyatt feels like the routine had a positive effect, because he was able to see an improvement. “I felt more satisfied with myself, a little more confident.”

Lev, now 19, remembers wanting to have some control over his body when going through puberty in high school. “Puberty is not a straightforward process. It’s not all peaches and cream. Your body changes, and it can be uncomfortable,” he explains. “But with lifting and strength training, it was very exciting to see this, you know, man energy that came out of it. I wanted to harness that and really take it by the reins. Have some agency as a man.”

And while he rejects the extreme parts of looksmaxxing, Lev does regularly practice self-improvement through weight lifting, skin care routines, and taking GLP-1 weight loss medication.

How looksmaxxing can impact boys’ mental health

Since looksmaxxing places such a strong emphasis on achieving a very specific look, clinicians are concerned about its influence on teens. “Self-esteem is pretty fragile during puberty,” Martinez says. “There’s already a ton of comparison and perceived flaws that teens don’t love about themselves.”

These insecurities can be exacerbated by the type of content teens engage with online, Martinez explains. Along with ChatGPT bots specifically designed to judge aesthetics, Reddit threads such as r/Mewing and websites like Looksmaxxing Forum encourage boys to post pictures of their faces and bodies to get rated by their peers. Boys as young as 13 visit these forums, posting pictures and asking for tips on how to improve their looks.

“These are generally places where people are already pretty harsh and critical. These boys are receiving a lot more ‘confirmation’ around the perceived things that are wrong with them or that they need to change,” Martinez says. “And it just feeds into the already present negative self-image and self-talk.”

He explains that this type of social media engagement can also compound underlying mental health issues like depression and social anxiety. “They might be less likely to go out and talk to people because they’re thinking, ‘Everyone is going to see this one thing that everyone else has told me is wrong with me. So now I can’t go out,’”he says.

Martinez is also concerned that online content can negatively affect teens with body dysmorphic disorder (BDD). “If they think they have a big nose, for example, they might go on these Reddits and ask, ‘What does my nose look like? Is it too big?’ There are trolls out there. Someone is going to say yes and then that’s going to make the BDD symptoms even worse.”

When behaviors might be concerning

In some ways, teen boys taking part in more self-improvement practices could be seen as a good thing. They’re exercising, taking care of their skin, and eating more balanced diets. The issues begin when these types of practices turn into obsession. And given the underlying ideology of looksmaxxing and the nature of social media, things can become unhealthy.

According to Martinez, there are some changes in behavior to look out for that indicate you might want to step in.

One clear change, he says, is a noticeable shift in the amount of time they’re spending on grooming themselves. “Maybe they were someone who would typically just get up and run out the door without washing their face,” he says. “But now they’re spending a lot more time in the bathroom and asking a lot of questions about how they look.”

Another warning sign can be a big change in personality. “Irritability is a big one that we’ll see a lot,” he says. “They’re unhappy with how they look, so this increases a general level of irritation.”

These behaviors paired with an unusual uptick in time spent on social media, Martinez explains, can be a sign that something’s wrong and support is needed.

How to support your child

If you’re worried that your child might be engaging in looksmaxxing-related behaviors to an unhealthy degree, says Martinez, there are a few things you can do:

  • Open communication. Martinez suggests approaching your child with curiosity. “You could start the conversation by saying something like, ‘So have you heard about this? What do you think about it? Have you ever had any thoughts yourself about how you look or desires to change your body or face?’ And then give them some space to be open and vulnerable about it. Validate their experience.” 
  • Find out where your child is getting their information. “Read it together, talk about it, and see what your child thinks about it,” Martinez advises. “And if it’s promoting something dangerous, then you can talk to them about how those practices can be harmful and what could actually happen if they do some of those things.”
  • Encourage male role models. “There’s a patient I work with now who doesn’t have a present dad,” Martinez explains. “His mom tries to talk to him about things like body image, but he feels like she doesn’t understand and can’t relate. So having someone that he can talk to and be open about this stuff with, especially someone who can also share their own struggles, can be really helpful.”
  • Seek help from a mental health professional. This is especially important if you find out that your child has been engaging in extreme forms of looksmaxxing such as bonesmashing or starvemaxxing. Martinez recommends looking for a clinician who specializes in body image or body dysmorphic disorder.

A lot of parenting comes down to open communication around what your kids are seeing and what they’re feeling. We all have things about our bodies that we might not like and wish we could change, says Martinez, and it can help to normalize those feelings. “And then you can discuss how they can make changes in healthy ways,” he suggests. “Go over what’s a realistic change and what’s a dangerous change.”

The post Boys, Masculinity, and the Looksmaxxing Trend   appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

The effect of weather on unscheduled healthcare utilisation for mental health conditions in England, 2014–2022

BackgroundWeather conditions have been linked to adverse mental health outcomes, and rising concern about climate change has increased interest in these associations. However, most existing research focuses on extreme weather events, such as heatwaves, or on acute clinical outcomes, such as suicide. Evidence is more limited regarding population-level variations in mental health–related healthcare utilisation across the full range of daily weather conditions.ObjectiveTo examine associations between daily weather conditions and unscheduled mental health–related healthcare contacts in England using large-scale national surveillance data.MethodsWe conducted a retrospective observational study across nine English regions from 1 January 2014 to 31 December 2022. Outcomes were daily counts of unscheduled mental health–related contacts to emergency departments (EDs), general practice out-of-hours (GP OOH) services, and the NHS 111 telephone advice line. Weather exposures included mean daily temperature (°C), hours of full sunshine, and total daily rainfall (mm). Associations were estimated using distributed lag non-linear models at regional level and combined through two-stage multivariate meta-analysis. Models were adjusted for seasonality, long-term trends, day of week, public holidays, and population size.ResultsMental health–related unscheduled healthcare contacts showed modest but consistent associations with temperature and sunshine. Across services, relative risks (demand) increased with rising temperatures up to around 18 °C and were higher on days with fewer hours of sunshine. Sunshine demonstrated the clearest pattern, with increased utilisation on low-sunshine days across all healthcare settings. Rainfall was not consistently associated with healthcare contacts. Age-stratified analyses showed a U-shaped relationship between temperature and ED attendances among adults aged over 64 years, with higher utilisation during both colder and warmer conditions. Overall variations in daily healthcare demand were modest, typically within ±10–20% of baseline levels.ConclusionIn England, short-term variations in temperature and sunshine are associated with changes in unscheduled mental health–related healthcare utilisation, whereas rainfall shows little consistent effect. Although effect sizes were modest, these findings highlight the role of everyday weather conditions in influencing mental health–related healthcare demand and may support planning and preparedness efforts for mental health services under current and future climate conditions.

Perspectives on Continuous Glucose Monitoring Among Adults with Type 2 Diabetes in the United Kingdom: Cross-Sectional Survey

<strong>Background:</strong> Type 2 diabetes (T2D) is one of the most common noncommunicable diseases, requiring ongoing lifestyle changes and continuous glucose management through medication, diet, and physical activity. Traditional self-monitoring of blood glucose can be burdensome, especially with frequent finger pricks. As continuous glucose monitoring (CGM) becomes more affordable and accessible, it offers benefits such as increased glucose awareness, behavioral modifications, and reduced anxiety. However, challenges remain, including cost, discomfort, skin reactions, and privacy concerns. In the United Kingdom, perceptions of CGM among people with T2D, including both users and nonusers, are not well understood, limiting insight into factors influencing adoption and sustained use. <strong>Objective:</strong> This study aims to explore how adults with T2D perceive the benefits and challenges of using CGM, including both current users and nonusers. <strong>Methods:</strong> This study used a cross-sectional, online survey using YouGov’s nationally representative panel to explore experiences of CGM among adults with T2D in the United Kingdom. A total of 531 participants were recruited from November to December 2024. Thematic analysis of responses to 2 open-ended questions identified key perceived benefits and challenges associated with CGM use. <strong>Results:</strong> A total of 531 adults with T2D completed the YouGov online survey. Over half were male (297/531, 55.9%) and aged 65 years and older (281/531, 52.9%). Two-thirds (347/531, 65.3%) had lived with T2D for more than 5 years, and 9.6% (51/531) use or had previously used a CGM. Overall, 50.8% (270/531) responded to at least one free-text question, with 49% (260/531) commenting on benefits and 33.1% (176/531) on challenges. Thematic analysis identified five key benefit themes: (1) reduced monitoring burden, described as eliminating frequent finger prick testing and simplifying daily routines; (2) lifestyle feedback, enabling participants to better understand how diet and physical activity influence glucose levels; (3) greater control, by supporting more informed decision-making and increasing confidence in self-management; (4) feeling safer, through alerts for hypo- and hyperglycemia; and (5) sharing data with clinicians, which facilitated communication and more collaborative care. The main challenges were (1) access barriers, including restrictive eligibility criteria and the high cost of self-funding; (2) device issues, such as discomfort, inconvenience, and practical difficulties wearing the sensor; (3) technology reliance, with concerns about depending on devices rather than listening to bodily cues; (4) emotional strain, including anxiety, over-monitoring, and increased preoccupation with glucose levels; and (5) data concerns, particularly regarding accuracy, interpretation, and privacy. <strong>Conclusions:</strong> Adults with T2D, including both users and nonusers, described CGM as a practical and empowering tool that improves understanding, safety, and collaboration with health care providers. Nevertheless, access barriers, usability issues, and emotional and data-related burdens remain major obstacles to equitable adoption. Addressing these through improved affordability, digital literacy support, and customized clinical guidance may support ongoing and inclusive CGM use in routine care.

Heat waves mess with your brain. Scientists are trying to figure out why.

It’s been hot in London this week. Really hot. A dangerous heat wave has hit Western Europe. Yesterday, the UK recorded its highest ever June temperature at 36.1 °C (about 97 °F). But as the weather app on my phone confirmed, it felt like 39 °C.

It’s frightening that we are seeing such temperatures in the UK in June. According to the Met Office, the country’s national weather and climate service, June temperatures peaked at an average 19 °C (66 °F) in England between 1991 and 2020. Across Europe, the heat wave is likely to cause thousands of deaths. There will be other awful consequences for agriculture, infrastructure, and the health system.

But this week I want to look at what the heat does to our minds and brains. Personally, I’ve found it almost impossible to think straight. The heat is distracting and my mind is foggy. I dread to think about the conditions of people who work outdoors, in even hotter regions.

It’s not just exhaustion and confusion. The effects of heat on the brain can be deadly. And researchers are still trying to figure out why.

Studies have confirmed that as temperatures rise, people seem to get more irritable and more violent. Most of these studies are based on associations, though. It’s difficult to directly study how a heat wave might affect our thinking, says Catherine Thompson, a cognitive psychologist at Liverpool Hope University. 

She has been studying the effects of extreme heat on firefighters instead. It’s easier to measure people’s cognitive skills before and after they undergo scheduled training that involves entering a burning building.  

It’s early days, but the team found that firefighters found it harder to focus and control their attention immediately after heat exposure—something people in heat waves can empathize with, I’m sure. 

The firefighters’ skills returned to normal after 20 minutes or so of cooling down. But they’d experienced just 15 minutes of intense heat exposure. Thompson doesn’t know what the effects of living through a days-long heat wave might be—or how long they’ll last. Figuring that out might involve shipping cognitive test kits to thousands of people during the few days’ notice of an impending heat wave. “My guess [is] that no one’s done it because it’s just so difficult to do,” says Thompson. 

Still, researchers can learn about some of the impacts of heat waves through studies after the fact. And those studies suggest that the heat seems to have more disastrous outcomes for people with mental-health disorders. 

Those outcomes become apparent when temperatures rise above what is considered typical for a given region. “There seems to be a correlation where the hotter it gets, especially during the hottest times of the year, the worse the mental-health outcomes,” says Joshua Wortzel, who directs the Heat-Mind Lab at Hartford HealthCare in Connecticut.

In a study published in 2023, Emma Lawrence at the University of Oxford, who studies the effect of climate change on mental health, and her colleagues reviewed the evidence linking mental-health outcomes to ambient outdoor temperatures. They found that during heat waves, there was a 9.7% increase in the rate of hospital admissions for people with such conditions. 

“People who live with mental-health conditions are among the most susceptible to the physical impacts of heat,” says Lawrence. People with schizophrenia were found to have been three times more likely to die during the record-breaking heat wave that affected Canada in 2021, for example.

In order to protect people, we need a better understanding of the mechanisms underlying these effects. After all, a lot of things change when it’s very, very hot. Some people may end up stuck indoors, avoiding outdoor play and exercise, and it can be difficult to get a good night of sleep, for example. Sleep, socializing, and exercise are all really important for our mental health. 

But whether unusual heat does something specific to our brains is, as Wortzel puts it, “the million-dollar question.”

Research in lab animals suggests that excessive heat can alter the way chemical signals work in our brain. The levels of neurotransmitters like serotonin, for example, seem to increase when rats and mice are exposed to high temperatures, according to multiple studies. The heat may also interfere with the way networks in our brains communicate with each other. It might affect the way oxygen reaches our brain cells.

“There are so many biological reasons why brains may be negatively affected by heat,” says Wortzel.

Emerging research suggests that for whatever reason, children and young people are among the most vulnerable. In research published earlier this week, Wortzel and his colleagues saw a 2.97% increase in the suicide rate among people in the US aged 15 to 24 for every 1 °C increase in average monthly temperature. That’s more than double the increase seen in people over the age of 24 (which is concerning in its own right).

Other work hints that heat exposure might have long-term consequences for children’s brain development. Babies who were exposed to either extreme heat or cold appeared to have altered white matter by the time they were nine to 12 years old—although it’s not clear how these impacts might affect an individual child.

“It seems that extreme temperature exposure for very young children may affect their brain development,” says Lawrence, who spoke to me from Oxford. She was meant to be in London for Climate Action Week, but her event, which focused on extreme heat, ended up being canceled … owing to the extreme heat.

We are living through the effects of climate change. And that brings a new urgency to the question of how heat affects our brains. Children born in 2020 are predicted to experience around seven times the number of heat waves their grandparents did, says Lawrance. “[We] need to be serious about adapting to a warming world.”

This article first appeared in The Checkup, MIT Technology Review’s weekly biotech newsletter. To receive it in your inbox every Thursday, and read articles like this first, sign up here.

Global research landscape, knowledge structure, and emerging trends in adverse childhood experiences and personality disorders: a bibliometric analysis

BackgroundThe relationship between adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) and personality disorders (PDs) has attracted sustained attention in psychiatry, psychology, and public health. Existing studies have mainly examined epidemiological associations, specific PDs diagnoses, or mechanisms, whereas bibliometric evidence mapping the field’s knowledge structure and thematic evolution remains limited. This study aimed to characterize trends, contributors, collaboration networks, core themes, and frontiers in ACEs–PDs research.MethodsEnglish-language publications on ACEs and PDs were retrieved from Web of Science Core Collection, Scopus, and PubMed from inception to December 31, 2025. After year screening, document-type filtering, and deduplication, 5,084 records were included. Bibliometric analyses were performed using R, VOSviewer, and CiteSpace. The merged dataset was used to examine annual trends, countries/regions, institutions, authors, journals, and keyword co-occurrence, while WoSCC records were used for co-citation analysis, keyword clustering, and burst detection.ResultsACEs–PDs research showed sustained growth, with a marked increase after 2000. The United States occupied a central position in publication output, citation impact, and international collaboration, while the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, the Netherlands, and Australia also showed strong influence. Harvard University, the University of London, and Ruprecht Karls University Heidelberg were leading institutions; Zanarini M, Fonagy P, Schmahl C, Paris J, and Kleindienst N were key contributors. Influential journals mainly covered psychiatry, personality disorders, child maltreatment, trauma, and developmental psychopathology. Keyword analyses identified childhood adversity, personality disorder, borderline personality disorder, depression, childhood sexual abuse, and post-traumatic stress disorder as core themes. VOSviewer and CiteSpace analyses indicated that hotspots have expanded from childhood abuse, PDs diagnosis, and psychiatric comorbidity to emotion dysregulation, non-suicidal self-injury, social support, functional connectivity, early intervention, and mechanism validation. Highly cited publications revealed a knowledge base centered on childhood abuse/trauma, borderline personality disorder, psychiatric comorbidity, emotion regulation, and neurobiological mechanisms.ConclusionThis study maps development and knowledge structure of ACEs–PDs research. Findings suggest a shift from exposure–outcome association studies toward comorbidity, intermediate phenotypes, neurobiological mechanisms, and clinical translation. Future research should strengthen longitudinal and cross-cultural designs, consider ACE type, timing, duration, and severity, and integrate neuroimaging, inflammatory, epigenetic, and clinical-course phenotypes.

Awakening from the Trance

This blog was originally posted by the TLC Foundation for BFRBs

Trichotillomania touches on all levels of human experience, from the neurological to the spiritual. It represents the interactions of brain chemistry, but also habituated physiological responses, sensory processing, behavior patterns, characteristic emotional states, perceptual styles and beliefs, and the sense of interconnectedness with others and the experience of faith. It is more than just a behavior, although it is most apparent when it manifests itself in that way.

Trichotillomania can be treated at all of these levels through different treatment approaches: medication, relaxation and response prevention, behavior modification, hypnotherapy, psychotherapy, cognitive therapy and visualization, group therapy and spiritual practices. The most effective approach will depend on the specific needs and circumstances of each individual at specific times, as well as on the compatibility of the personalities of the treatment provider and patient/participant.

In this article I will present my own view of treatment with a particular focus on how to understand and address the aspect of trance.

“Trance” is not a clinical term, but it is one which most pullers seem to recognize immediately as a significant part of the hair pulling experience: particularly when reading or watching TV. However, I believe that any time one is pulling, one has entered a trance state and that trance states occur with great frequency even at other times. To look at how to make use of this concept I will first describe what I think treatment needs to address.

Trichotillomania as a symptom: My approach is to look at what the behavior of pulling means to a particular person, and what it means about them. I view pulling as a symptom which indicates something about what is going on in that person’s life and can be best understood if we look at the context in which it occurs – both over time (how did it evolve), and ecologically (how does it fit into the network of the person’s relationships, commitments, self-perceptions, experiences of their own body and emotional states, etc.).

Symptoms are an indication of the existence of some other process. Just as a fever may reflect a viral infection, a repetitive behavior reflects an underlying mental activity. The symptom develops in response to the activity and one of its functions is to achieve some control over the consequences of that mental activity. I believe that trichotillomania indicates an attempted solution to a psychological challenge (or opportunity) one is facing in one’s life. However, it is an ineffective solution for two reasons. Firstly, it doesn’t alter the situation which has become challenging, and so the underlying causes remain unchanged. Secondly, by drawing attention onto itself it obscures those underlying causes. It distracts attention from them.

But the behavior, none the less, does have some purpose and utility. It relieves the anxiety of becoming too aware that there are challenges and opportunities which one feels unprepared to confront.

The role of emotions:

The mechanism which could be drawing one’s attention to these challenges and opportunities is the experience of emotional reaction. Emotions serve to amplify our perceptions of situations by making the good seem better and the bad seem worse. In that way, they lead us to focus on what is important to us so that we will take action. Being able to notice and interpret our emotions is something we learn as we grow up. Emotions represent a kind of language for helping us make meaningful choices as we engage with life.

But if these emotions were felt to be too overwhelming – if what they indicated felt too bad to be tolerated because we did not learn how to resolve the situations they drew attention to – then we eliminated them from our emotional vocabulary and we restricted our awareness of them. Now, when those situations reoccur, rather than notice our feelings of hopelessness and helplessness, we may turn to other mechanisms, more basic ones rooted in physical sensations, to occupy ourselves and restore some sense of order to the world.

So, in this model, the behavior of hair pulling is not an indicator of psychological inadequacy, but rather a lack of awareness. It reflects a split between awareness/thoughts and sensations/feelings. It is the result of an unknown mental process, something one has not been able to assimilate into one’s conscious thought, for which no words or language have been developed.

If this could be understood then I believe there would be less justification for feelings of shame connected with Trichotillomania, because Trichotillomania represents an underlying process outside of personal awareness, and thus is not something voluntarily chosen. (It would also answer the following disturbing statement frequently made to hair pullers: “You could stop if you really wanted to.”)

I have so far described how emotional activity and unconscious thoughts affect us in ways which we do not recognize. Despite this lack of recognition, we still need to adjust to them and regulate or organize ourselves. A good example of this is the way in which a fussy baby, if not picked up or fed when it wants to be, learns to get its thumb into its mouth and suck on it. It is finding a way to organize its reactions to its world by retreating into an attitude of self-sufficiency. In this way it solves the problems of the conflict it experiences between the emotions it feels and the lack of a way to take effective action about them in the outside world. It restores order by returning to a sensation-based activity which it has control over. It has learned to retreat into a trance.

The similarities between this example and the experience of hair pulling are striking. So how is Trichotillomania like a trance, exactly?

Trance:

The (Oxford) dictionary defines “trance” in these ways: a suspension of consciousness; a state of mental abstraction from external things; absorption, exaltation, rapture, ecstasy. Going into a trance is turning away from the world, suspending engagement with it, and entering a twilight zone of self-enchantment. The experience is one of being in between states: neither in one’s own mind, nor aware of one’s body. One has turned away, both from the rest of the world and from the rest of oneself.

It is a state in which one doesn’t think about what one feels, and doesn’t act on what one feels. One has turned away from the parts of the self which are concerned with action and purposefulness. In the trance state, a part of the personality takes over which doesn’t care about anything (except the act of pulling) and ignores the existence of time or consequences to one’s actions. It is the opposite of the perfectionist attitude so common to many hair pullers. Becoming entranced in the act of reading, for example, one detaches from the here and now, and allows this part of the personality to “come out”: while the cat’s away, the mouse plays. It is a secure, dependable, magical place in which one can avoid dealing with the stimulation of one’s spontaneous emotional responses to life.

If we look again at the role of emotions as amplifiers of perceptions, we see that what is happening in this state is that one is neither thinking about, nor acting on, what the emotions could be indicating. And as they indicate what is important so that action can be taken, the trance state eliminates the possibility of taking the action required.

How does this detaching process become chronic?

I believe it is the result of repeated experiences of failing to take effective action on what one’s emotions tell one is important. This failure can have many causes, but the result is that these important situations become perceived as challenging and threatening because they are felt as over stimulating. To protect oneself from discomfort, one disassociates from the situation. The part of oneself which perceives or feels what is going on is split off from consciousness. What remains conscious is the part which doesn’t feel and which preserves a sense of order and calm. Gradually, a gap develops between this external presentation of the self – as coherent, caring, positive – and an inner state of feeling confused, frustrated, and overwhelmed.

A false self develops, a self which appears to be more in control than is actually felt, and which one tries to believe in. The fear of having this façade penetrated adds greatly to the level of stress felt by hair pullers. Because this false self cannot be dropped when one’s gut reactions tell one to, one becomes trapped in a vicious circle that leaves one over stimulated (including the times when one merely seems to be bored), detaching from one’s body, and trying to regain control. A strong need is felt to reconnect to the body and feel grounded.‍

Trichotillomania as a return to the body:

The route to feeling in one’s body again is through becoming hyperaware and hypersensitive to sensation. This is a more basic and elementary experience of oneself: one cannot think or feel what is happening, so one uses a physical behavior to establish a link between unconscious inner experience and being in the real, physical world. This provides a solution to the twilight state of feeling detached. The sensation-focused behavior provides a substitute sense of being connected, and its ritualistic aspect creates a sense of soothing order rather than chaos.

So, looked at in this way, the act of pulling a hair actually represents the second stage of entering into a trance. The trance is triggered by the habitual reaction of disassociating rather than facing a situation which one perceives as overwhelming. But while an attitude of order and calm is being adopted (a state of “mental abstraction”), the experience of being detached from the feelings in the body becomes disorienting and the urgent need is felt to focus on the sensation of touching, playing with, and pulling hair. This provides the experience of concreteness and connectedness which allows the trance to continue.

Awakening:

What is needed is a process for regaining consciousness and turning back to engaging with life. How does one wake up? How can one build a sort of observational platform from which to watch the process of entering into a trance; one which can be separate from the process itself? I would suggest that rather than start with the ultimate goal of avoiding trance states altogether (which may be unreachable), a more pragmatic approach would be to learn how to wake up once one starts.

When we drive long distances on freeways and our attention wanders, we sometimes find ourselves drifting over into the next lane. If there were raised lane markers on the road, they would then alert us by causing a noise and a vibration as the car drove over them. That is the kind of alarm system we are looking for. It doesn’t prevent our minds from wandering, but it brings us back to the here-and-now experience before we get into trouble.

Such a system does exist: it is the sensation of a hair being pulled out. Once one hair is pulled, the opportunity exists to break the trance. That hair can be a signal to come back to the here and now rather than getting into the trouble of starting a pulling binge. (The goal of stopping at one hair pulled would also very likely include the benefit of making it much easier to commit to a realistic process of bringing the behavior within tolerable limits.)

How can one learn to stop at just one? Setting such a goal becomes much more possible if one understands one’s reasons for avoiding the goal until now. I have discussed in this article how Trichotillomania is a process which provides an attempted solution to an underlying tension. There is an inevitable anxiety about relinquishing a familiar, dependable behavior. A part of oneself therefore resists changing it and depends on the benefits it brings. This part has no intention of allowing any changes to occur unless one is prepared for the emotional experiences that follow, and it protects one from them.

A way to understand this resistance to change would be to think of the patterns of our behavior as a balanced mobile hanging from the ceiling. All its parts are interconnected and form a stable pattern. If we remove one of the parts, all of the others start to swing wildly until they settle into a new, substantially different formation. The intermediate stage of unbalanced, indeterminate movement could be likened to the feeling of overstimulation from one’s emotions when the ritualistic trance is denied.

To prepare for this change, an expanded awareness of emotional experience and what it teaches is indispensable. The remainder of this article offers some suggestions for work that can be done alone to expand this ability. This task is made much easier and more effective, however, when it is done in the context of a healing dialogue: either in individual or group therapy, or in a support group. This option deserves serious consideration because the act of communicating to another person helps bring one’s inner experiences into focus. Additionally, when there is the trust that the other person is willing not only to listen but to actively attempt to grasp what the speaker means from the speaker’s own point of view, the feeling of validation and recognition received makes awareness of the emotional states more bearable.

Reading the signals:

Part of the personal preparation which can be done is to establish intent to learn from what is found when one tries to read the signals. This would require a willingness to recognize that there are good reasons for what one feels rather than prejudging emotions as wrong, inappropriate, or proof of all the “bad” things one has come to believe about oneself. It also requires a willingness to feel discomfort, hurt, and vulnerability so that there can be a return to wholeness and the sense of being fully alive.

1. The most direct step is simply to ask yourself questions such as: What am I feeling? What is on my mind? Is something bothering me? What do I want right now? Is there something I should be doing? Special attention should be paid to the first answer that comes to mind, even if it very quickly disappears or seems insignificant. You should have an open mind and be prepared to be surprised. Before asking yourself these questions, stop the activity you are doing, if possible. If answers do not emerge the following techniques can be tried.

2. Let your body speak. Allow yourself to become aware of where you feel tension or discomfort. Imagine that that part of you has a voice and can answer the questions in Step One. Try asking follow-up questions to learn more.

3. Try exaggerating the physical state that you are in. That is, whatever movement your body is making or would like to make, take it to an extreme as if you were a very melodramatic actor or dancer who had no inhibitions. Again, think about how your body is expressing answers to the questions in Step One.

4. Visualize yourself as a child of about five and ask the questions of her or him. The answers should seem to be in the language of a 5-year-old. It might help to hold an object such as a cushion or stuffed animal to you as you try to make contact with yourself in this way. It also might help to combine this with some exaggeration of body expression. Additional questions you might ask could be: What do you need from me? Is somebody upsetting you? (See Reference 1.)

5. Write a question to the child, then switch your pen to your other hand and write the answer with that hand. You should write very quickly and with no attempt to make the writing more legible. Then switch your pen back to your original hand for a further question. Continue the dialogue, and the switching of hands, until no further clarification is necessary. The purpose of this technique is to facilitate the spontaneous flow of ideas. (See Reference 2.)

6. Write out the questions as complete sentences to be completed and complete the same question five times as quickly as possible. The questions would be rewritten as follows: Right now, I want….; or: I am upset because…. Allow any response to come forward. Often, a few unrevealing responses will be followed by one unexpected and more valuable one. (See Reference 3.)

7. Hold the hair which has just been pulled out and ask yourself: What did this hair give itself up for? A significant reason for the failure to stop hair pulling is the frequent presence of trance states, which enable one to deny the consequences of the behavior. Additionally, the experience of trance encourages one to focus on physical sensations such as the feeling of a hair being pulled, so as to achieve a greater sense of being connected to reality.

I have described how one enters a trance when certain situations trigger a habituated expectation of becoming overwhelmed. In self-defense one suspends consciousness of the challenge and retreats into a state of emotional detachment. The alternative to the trance, then, is to identify and assimilate the emotional cues about the situation so that appropriate action can be taken. The sensation of the first hair being pulled can serve as an alarm to awaken one from the trance and begin this process of self-evaluation and a return to an alert engagement with life.

Reference 1: Margaret Paul. Inner Bonding. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1990.Reference 2: Lucia Cappachione. The Power of Your Other Hand. North Hollywood, CA: Newcastle Publishing, 1988.Reference 3: Nathaniel Branden. How to Raise Your Self-Esteem. New York: Bantam, 1987.

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Detection of Self-Harm in Electronic Mental Health Records Using Privacy-Preserving Local Language Models: Methodological Study

Background: Self-harm is the strongest risk factor for suicide and an important outcome for mental health care. Although prevalent in clinical populations, it is often imprecisely captured in routinely collected clinical data, where it is often recorded and stored as unstructured free text. Contemporary language models, such as GPT (OpenAI) and Gemini (Google), can analyze free-text clinical notes, but such models may violate data governance of processing sensitive patient data. Objective: This study aimed to evaluate whether a privacy-preserving language model running entirely within an institution’s secure computing infrastructure (here, the UK National Health Service [NHS]) could accurately identify the presence and timing of self-harm using electronic health records from secondary mental health care. Methods: Clinical notes were drawn from Oxford Health NHS Foundation Trust using a multistage workflow: (1) a random sample of 1000 patients with a psychiatric diagnosis, defined according to the (; codes F00–F99); (2) candidate-note identification using a Gemma3-4b language model to flag notes containing self-harm content; and (3) from those candidates, 1352 randomly sampled notes were selected for expert annotation, resulting in gold-standard corpus enriched for self-harm content. Clinical notes were annotated for the presence of self-harm and its timing (≤90 days, >90 days, or unknown). A privacy-preserving locally served 27-billion-parameter Gemma 3 language model (“Gemma3-27b”) was used as the core model. Prompts were systematically developed and refined using a labeled development set to identify self-harm and generate a structured output per clinical record. Gemma3-27b performance was compared against a strong baseline multilabel text classification model based on robustly optimized BERT pretraining approach (RoBERTa), a transformer-based language model architecture. Model performance was evaluated using precision, recall, and the -score (harmonic mean of precision and recall), with 95% CIs estimated from 1000 bootstrap samples with replacement. Results: Gemma3-27b outperformed the RoBERTa classifier across all categories, achieving Precision=0.92, Recall=0.92 (sensitivity), and -score=0.92 for notes containing self-harm, and Precision=0.97, Recall=0.97 (specificity), and -score=0.97 for notes without self-harm. For the 51 notes labeled as recent self-harm in the held-out test set, Gemma3-27b achieved Precision=0.84, Recall=0.75, and -score=0.79. The global weighted -score of Gemma3-27b across all categories was 0.88, compared to 0.85 for RoBERTa. Conclusions: With systematic prompt development on a labeled development set, but no gradient-based fine-tuning, the current Gemma3-27b language model matched or exceeded a fine-tuned RoBERTa classifier for ascertaining self-harm events and their timing. Aggregate gains were modest, while improvements were largest in the most challenging, lower-frequency timing categories. On a simplified binary recent-versus-other task, RoBERTa performed marginally better, indicating that supervised classifiers remain highly effective when the task is simplified and sufficient labeled data exist. This work demonstrates the technical feasibility of privacy-preserving self-harm detection within a secure NHS research environment.

Validation of a criterion-based screening and triage pathway for adult ADHD: a prospective observational study of safety and operational efficiency

BackgroundThe increasing demand for adult attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) assessments has required the development of efficient triage pathways. This study provides a formal assessment of a criterion-based screening model designed to prioritise patient safety and operational efficiency within a National Health Service (NHS) specialist secondary care setting.MethodsA prospective observational validation design was employed, involving 49 consecutive adults referred for ADHD assessment none of whom had a previous ADHD diagnosis. The Comprehensive ADHD Screening Questionnaire (CASQ), a clinician-administered instrument based on DSM-5 criteria, was utilised by four trained Physician Assistants. To ensure an assessment of triage safety, a universal assessment model was adopted: all participants received a blinded, gold-standard diagnostic assessment (NICE-compliant) regardless of the initial triage recommendation thereby eliminating verification bias. The primary outcome measure was the Number Needed to Harm (NNH), defined as the number of people screened before a single false-negative result occurs.ResultsOf the 48 participants who completed the diagnostic process, six (12.5%) received an ADHD diagnosis. The triage pathway correctly identified all six cases, resulting in a sensitivity of 100.0% (95% CI: 61.0%–100.0%) and an infinite NNH. Specificity was 45.2% (95% CI: 31.2%–59.9%), with a positive predictive value of 20.7%. The pathway permitted 39.6% (n = 19) of referrals to be triaged to alternative pathways rather than full ADHD assessment, potentially saving significant specialist clinician time. Exploratory analyses indicated that score magnitude did not reliably distinguish between true and false positives within the group triaged as appropriate for further assessment.ConclusionsThese preliminary findings suggest that criterion-based screening conducted by appropriately trained non-specialist clinicians can achieve high levels of safety whilst improving service efficiency. The findings support the feasibility of task-shifting models in adult ADHD services, provided that triage thresholds are calibrated to prioritise sensitivity. These results require replication in adequately powered multi-site studies before firm conclusions regarding pathway safety can be drawn. Further research is required to establish inter-rater reliability and cost-effectiveness across diverse clinical settings.

Adoption of Digital Mental Health Interventions in National Health Service England, Scotland, and Wales: Freedom of Information Questionnaire Study

<strong>Background:</strong> Digital mental health interventions (DMHIs) have been widely promoted to improve access to mental health care within the UK National Health Service (NHS), particularly following the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2015, a total of 48 technologies were reportedly used in NHS services in England, but over the past decade, substantial changes to regulatory requirements, evidence standards, and procurement processes have reshaped the digital mental health landscape. There is limited clarity regarding which DMHIs are currently being formally procured and funded by NHS mental health services across the United Kingdom. <strong>Objective:</strong> This study aimed to identify and describe the DMHIs currently procured, contracted, or paid for by NHS mental health service providers in England, Scotland, and Wales for adult common mental health problems and to compare current procurement practices with findings reported in 2015. <strong>Methods:</strong> Freedom of Information requests were submitted to all NHS mental health trusts in England and all health boards in Scotland and Wales. Responses were collated and screened to provide an updated and extended record of which technologies are reportedly procured or paid for by services. <strong>Results:</strong> In total, 19 different DMHIs were identified as being procured across mental health service providers for adult common mental health problems at the time of data collection. This demonstrates a substantial reduction in the number of technologies being adopted into practice compared to the 48 reported in England in 2015. The findings reveal several key insights, including that only 2 technologies have remained in use for a decade, and they shed light on the types of technologies being selected and the variations in procurement practices among the 3 national health services. <strong>Conclusions:</strong> Despite the expansion of the digital mental health marketplace, the number of DMHIs formally procured by NHS mental health services has markedly decreased over the past decade. This consolidation may reflect increased selectivity and the adoption of higher-quality products, driven by strengthened regulatory oversight, evidence standards, and national guidance. Although these developments may enhance safety and quality assurance, they also raise important questions about innovation, market sustainability, and equitable access to digital mental health care. Ongoing monitoring of procurement practices is needed to inform policy, service design, and the future development of DMHIs.

Large-scale meta- and cross-trait analyses uncover shared genetic risk factors for IBS and psychiatric disorders

IntroductionIrritable bowel syndrome (IBS) is a common gut-brain axis disorder characterized by abdominal pain and altered bowel habits, and it shows high comorbidity with psychiatric disorders. However, the shared genetic mechanisms underlying these associations remain incompletely understood.MethodsWe performed a large-scale meta-analysis of IBS in individuals of European ancestry by integrating genome-wide association study (GWAS) summary statistics from the UK Biobank, Bellygenes, and the Million Veteran Program (MVP), thereby increasing statistical power to detect novel IBS loci. We further conducted global genetic correlation analyses with psychiatric traits, followed by multi-trait analysis of GWAS (MTAG) and conditional false discovery rate (condFDR) analyses to identify pleiotropic loci. Transcriptomic, methylomic, and expression quantitative trait locus (eQTL) data were integrated to explore potential regulatory mechanisms.ResultsThe meta-analysis identified up to ten previously unreported IBS loci, several of which were supported by colonic and brain eQTL effects. Global genetic correlation analyses confirmed substantial genetic overlap between IBS and psychiatric traits, particularly major depressive disorder and neuroticism. MTAG and condFDR analyses uncovered more than 100 pleiotropic loci, including signals at SORCS1, SLC35D1, COA1, and TLE1. Integrative analyses of transcriptome- and methylome-wide data highlighted regulatory mechanisms spanning colonic, immune, and neuronal tissues, supporting neuro-immune crosstalk and mitochondrial involvement.DiscussionOur findings provide a comprehensive genetic characterization of IBS, refine its heritable basis, reveal pleiotropic links with psychiatric disorders, and implicate molecular pathways across the gut-brain axis. These results advance mechanistic understanding of IBS and may inform future therapeutic development for IBS and its psychiatric comorbidities.