New Research Calls for Stronger Standards When Using Large Language Models and Other AI Tools for Psychological Assessment

Researchers find AI models can score well on accuracy measures while missing key signs of mental health concerns; they introduce Text Psychometrics, a new framework for testing these tools more rigorously.

New York, NY — Today the Child Mind Institute, in collaboration with Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, released a new research paper that found that AI tools cannot yet provide valid psychological assessments and require a more rigorous testing process. The paper reaffirms that mental health professionals are still best suited to assess and address the needs of people seeking mental health resources. Additionally, researchers introduced a framework for evaluating whether AI systems can measure mental health in a scientifically sound, reliable, and fair way for future development. The paper is in press at PLOS Digital Health.

Every day, people describe their inner lives in text — including crisis hotline messages, social media posts, therapy transcripts, journal entries, and more. As AI becomes increasingly capable of analyzing language, researchers are beginning to use these tools as a new way to conduct psychological assessments.

However, unlike traditional questionnaires used by psychologists, most AI language tools are insufficiently tested. Experts have spent a century building rigorous statistical standards for questionnaires within the field of psychometrics. Does a test measure what it claims? Does it give consistent answers? And does it work equally well for everyone? AI language tools are rarely held to that same standard.

In this paper, researchers introduce the concept of Text Psychometrics, a framework for evaluating whether AI and natural language processing (NLP) tools can measure psychological constructs in text in a scientifically sound way. Rather than asking only whether a model can match human judgments, the co-authors argue that researchers should also examine whether these tools capture the full range of how people express symptoms, remain reliable across different psychological situations, and work fairly across different patient populations.

“This research reaffirms that AI cannot replace mental health professionals to adequately assess and meet the needs of patients and people seeking mental health resources. An AI model may appear accurate while still missing important ways people express psychological symptoms,” says Daniel Low, PhD, a research scientist at the Child Mind Institute and the study’s lead author. “AI can help researchers and clinicians analyze language at scale and find patterns that would otherwise be very challenging, but these AI models do not currently understand the full approach that experienced clinicians take when making assessments. With our new framework, our goal is not to replace human expertise, but to build tools that are helpful while being more transparent, trustworthy, and scientifically grounded to meet the needs of patients.”

To develop the paper and framework, researchers analyzed thousands of crisis counseling conversations and public social media posts. They compared several approaches for identifying mental health concerns, including large language models and other language-analysis methods. The team found that some AI systems performed well, on average, with commonly used accuracy measures. But they still failed to recognize many clear and important expressions of mental health concerns because they were less common and therefore did not affect the general accuracy. In other words, a model could appear successful while overlooking language that a clinician or researcher would consider highly relevant.

To address this issue, the researchers developed a new framework to evaluate language models that includes different types of validation, including what they call “content validity test sets.” Rather than asking only whether a model agrees with human judgments, the approach examines whether the model recognizes the full range of ways people express a psychological symptom. For example, to screen for eating disorders, a model would need to not only capture mentions of anorexia and bulimia but also purging, chewing and spitting, and other symptoms. 

“A mental health model should not be considered trustworthy simply because it performs well on a single metric,” Dr. Low explains. “Researchers should also ask whether it captures the most important expressions of a symptom, performs consistently, protects privacy, and works fairly across different groups of people, among many other desirable properties we describe.”

In a second study, the team examined whether language from the beginning of a crisis counseling conversation could predict who would later be sent an emergency service intervention towards the end of the conversation. The researchers found that language patterns associated with suicide risk could provide useful signals, while also revealing which factors out of about 50 were most strongly linked to acute risk. Mentions of lethal means for suicide, substance use and overdose, and having the texter write more than the counselor were the most predictive variables for detecting the need for an emergency service intervention.

Human clinicians consider far more than written words when evaluating a person’s mental health, including clinical history, life circumstances, nonverbal cues — if available — and professional judgment. The findings suggest that AI systems are not yet at this level.

The researchers hope Text Psychometrics will help consolidate efforts to improve how AI-based mental health assessments are developed and evaluated. By applying the same rigorous standards used for traditional psychological tests, they believe language-based AI tools can become more reliable, interpretable, and useful for research, clinical care, and public health.

The study was authored by Daniel Low, PhD, Patrick Mair, PhD, and Matthew K. Nock, PhD, of Harvard University, and Satrajit S. Ghosh, PhD, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard Medical School.

The research was supported by training grants from the National Institute of Mental Health and the National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders. It also received support from the RallyPoint Fellowship, Amelia Peabody Professional Development Award, Chet and Will Griswold Fund, Tommy Fuss Collaborative STAR Fund, and Lann and Christopher Woehrle Psychiatric Research Fund. The funders had no role in the study’s design, data collection and analysis, publication decision, or manuscript preparation.

The authors thank Crisis Text Line for providing access to de-identified data used in this research. Crisis Text Line did not influence the study design, analysis, interpretation of findings, or conclusions.

Learn More About Our Work

Learn more about the AI, Risk, and Contemplative Science (ARC) Lab and the Center for Data Analytics, Innovation, and Rigor (DAIR) at the Child Mind Institute.

Crisis Resources

If you or someone you know is struggling or in crisis:

Call or text 988 anytime in the United States to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline

To reach Crisis Text Line, text HOME or HOLA to 741741 to connect with a live, trained volunteer crisis counselor.

About the Child Mind Institute

The Child Mind Institute is dedicated to transforming the lives of children and families struggling with mental health and learning disorders by giving them the help they need. We’ve become the leading independent nonprofit in children’s mental health by providing gold-standard, evidence-based care, delivering educational resources to millions of families each year, training educators in underserved communities, and developing tomorrow’s breakthrough treatments.

The post New Research Calls for Stronger Standards When Using Large Language Models and Other AI Tools for Psychological Assessment appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

Studies Using the Multiphase Optimization Strategy in Digital Mental Health: Scoping Review

Background: Improving the cost-effectiveness and scalability of mental health interventions remains challenging. The Multiphase Optimization Strategy (MOST) framework provides a structured approach for developing, optimizing, and evaluating behavioral interventions by balancing effectiveness with efficiency, economy, and scalability. It does so across 3 phases: preparation (theoretical grounding and component selection), optimization (experimental testing), and evaluation (confirmatory trial). Digital mental health interventions are especially suited to this modular approach, as they enable researchers to easily manipulate components and personalize delivery. Objective: This study aims to examine how the MOST framework has been applied in the digital mental health field and to provide recommendations for future application. Methods: Systematic searches were conducted in Embase, CINAHL, Web of Science, PsycInfo, and PubMed. Papers were included if they used the MOST to develop or optimize a digitally delivered mental health intervention. Studies targeting children aged under 12 years, reviews, and theoretical or simulated applications were excluded. Results: Thirty-seven papers representing 18 research projects met the inclusion criteria. The preparation phase was often incomplete and inconsistently reported, with optimization criteria largely absent and conceptual models often lacking specificity. Eight projects completed at least 1 optimization trial, typically using factorial designs, but progression to intervention refinement or evaluation was limited. Projects conducting multiple optimization rounds were more likely to achieve an optimized intervention. Conclusions: The MOST is increasingly applied in digital mental health research but often only partially implemented. While factorial designs are widely adopted, critical preparatory elements are frequently missing. To fully realize the MOST’s potential, future research should emphasize comprehensive application across all phases, iterative refinement, and transparent reporting.
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Relational Ecological Momentary Assessment: A Viewpoint on the Relational Decision Space in Digital Mental Health

Digital mental health has become increasingly capable of representing and adapting to individuals in time. When support is delivered through another person, however, the relevant decision context includes conditions that cannot be specified from the primary user alone. This viewpoint proposes making selected conditions relevant to a support decision within a specified relationship explicit. We introduce relational ecological momentary assessment (REMA) as a conceptual method for representing these conditions in a relational decision space. In its initial dyadic implementation, REMA combines a low-burden report of the primary user’s emotional zone (Z) with supporter contact availability (Cp) and supporter capacity (Cs). The meaning of these reports depends on the relationship and the proposed form of support. Willingness, consent, and safety determine whether an action is permissible to consider, while data validity concerns whether the reports are current and interpretable. These conditions and rules delimit relational support eligibility by specifying which classes of support can still be considered. Coregulation as a reciprocal temporal process remains outside the scope of this implementation. We situate the proposal within research on ecological momentary assessment, just-in-time adaptive interventions, dyadic digital health, and systemic digital mental health; provide a hypothetical implementation example; and show how 1 Z report can inform separate decisions involving different supporters. REMA remains conceptual and requires empirical evaluation. Its broader proposition is that when digital health recruits another person, the decision-relevant conditions across that specified relationship should be made explicit.
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Posttraumatic stress and depression among traumatized, treatment-seeking, Arabic-speaking refugees and non-refugees in Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA)

BackgroundCountries in Southwest Asia and North Africa (SWANA) have been particularly affected by numerous conflicts for the last few decades, a development which has had an influence on the mental health of both refugee and non-refugee populations. Simultaneously, there is comparably less provision of and access to mental health services in SWANA. Given these circumstances, the present study implements a cross-country comparative design to investigate the mental health of treatment-seeking individuals in the region and compare the mental health of refugees and non-refugees.MethodsTreatment-seeking refugees and non-refugees originating from and residing in the SWANA region were examined regarding post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD; PCL-5) and depression (PHQ-9). Participants were recruited from an open-label dissemination study between 2021 and 2025 (N = 19,198; n(refugees) = 888; n(non-refugees) = 18,310). A refugee (n = 888) and a non-refugee subsample (n = 888) were created using propensity score matching for comparability (i.e., using gender, education status, employment status, type of residence, family status, and country of origin and residence as matching variables). Prevalence rates were compared between groups, and moderation models were computed to assess the differential impact of protective and risk factors on the mental health of the two groups.ResultsSignificant differences were found for PTSD (refugees: 84%; non-refugees: 78%) and depression prevalence (refugees: 77%; non-refugees: 70%), with further above-chance differences regarding the number of traumatic event types (refugees: 7.35; non-refugees: 4.77). Linear regression models indicated that social support and trauma load were associated with symptom load across groups and outcomes but did not differentiate between groups. Having previously been in psychological or psychiatric treatment was associated with higher depression symptom load for refugees only.ConclusionThe PTSD prevalence rate was higher for treatment-seeking refugees across the SWANA region, emphasizing the heightened vulnerability of this population even relative to a traumatized, treatment-seeking non-refugee comparison group. Moreover, an association of previous treatment was found for refugees, potentially indicating a threshold mechanism by which refugees with comparably higher depressive symptom load are more likely to receive treatment. The results underline the need for increased access to mental health care services for both groups across SWANA.

Suicidal Ideation Endorsed on the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 at Intake and Treatment Outcomes in Gambling Disorder Care: Retrospective Cohort Study

<strong>Background:</strong> Gambling disorder (GD) carries a disproportionate burden of suicide risk. Clinicians frequently encounter patients with suicidal ideation (SI) at treatment entry, yet no published study has examined whether SI at intake predicts treatment engagement or symptom change in GD care. <strong>Objective:</strong> This study aimed to determine (1) the prevalence of SI at treatment entry among adults seeking GD care, (2) how clinical and demographic characteristics differ by SI status, and whether SI at intake predicts differential (3) treatment engagement or (4) improvement in gambling symptom severity. <strong>Methods:</strong> This retrospective cohort study used de-identified clinical data from Birches Health, a US-based virtual behavioral health provider. Eligible patients entered care for GD between June 2, 2024, and April 20, 2026; completed at least one session; and had baseline Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) data (N=1518). SI was defined as a score of ≥1 on PHQ-9 item 9. Baseline characteristics were compared using t and χ2 tests. Engagement was defined as appointments attended within 90 days of the first session and modeled using negative binomial regression; initiation of care was compared by SI status among all patients who completed an intake PHQ-9. Gambling Symptom Assessment Scale (G-SAS) trajectories were modeled using linear mixed-effects models with natural spline terms for time and SI-by-time interactions, adjusting for depression severity (Patient Health Questionnaire-8 [PHQ-8]), age, and gender. Sensitivity analyses addressed engagement definitions, follow-up patterns, and alternative codings of item 9. <strong>Results:</strong> SI was endorsed by 465 (30.6%) patients. Patients with SI had higher depression and gambling severity (PHQ-8 mean 15.2, SD 5.5; G-SAS mean 22.6, SD 11.4) than those without SI (PHQ-8 mean 8.7, SD 5.3; <i>P</i>&lt;.001; d=1.20; G-SAS mean 19.1, SD 11.9; <i>P</i>&lt;.001; d=0.30) but did not differ on age, gender, or most psychiatric comorbidities. Patients with SI were less likely to initiate care (465/2009, 23.1%) than those without SI (1053/3958, 26.6%; <i>P</i>=.004). Among patients who initiated care, SI was not associated with appointments attended in the first 90 days (incidence rate ratio 1.04, 95% CI 0.92-1.17; <i>P</i>=.54) or with retention. By day 90, model-based G-SAS scores declined from 20.8 to 12.2 among patients with SI and from 18.9 to 11.4 among those without SI. Patients with SI had higher adjusted baseline G-SAS scores (b=1.85, 95% CI 0.21-3.49; <i>P</i>=.03), but change over time did not differ significantly between groups. Findings were consistent across sensitivity analyses. <strong>Conclusions:</strong> SI at intake is common among adults entering GD treatment and is associated with more severe depressive and gambling symptoms. Among patients who started treatment, gambling symptoms declined substantially in both groups, with no significant differences in engagement or symptom improvement by SI status. Patients with SI can experience meaningful improvement in gambling symptoms during outpatient treatment.

Can Video Games Make Kids Violent? Answers to Parents’ Top Gaming Questions

Dave Anderson PhD
By: Dave Anderson, PhD

Vice President, Public Engagement and Education; Senior Psychologist, ADHD and Behavior Disorders Center Read More

A child psychologist on Grand Theft Auto VI, aggression, meltdowns, and how to keep gaming in balance

A new installment of the mega-popular Grand Theft Auto video game will be released soon, and in a lot of homes the request has already landed: Can I play it? It’s one of the most anticipated game releases in years, and it has prompted a wave of questions from parents who listen to Thriving Kids, a podcast from the Child Mind Institute.

Parents are also wondering when gaming becomes a problem, what to do about meltdowns when it’s time to stop, and how to handle games that eat into sleep and schoolwork. Here are my answers to nine of the questions we received, starting with Grand Theft Auto VI.

My 13-year-old wants GTA 6. Should I let them play it?

Like earlier games in the series, GTA 6 involves committing acts of violence and robbery, a lot of swearing, and characters who draw players into all kinds of actions that would be crimes in real life. But it’s also a world that can be genuinely fascinating to explore and figure out.

There are a few ways to approach your child’s request. First, check the rating. GTA 6 is rated M for Mature (17+), and in some other countries it’s rated even higher. This is highly adult content.

Second, consider your child’s maturity level. Some 13-year-olds have already been exposed to this kind of content and handle it well, meaning it doesn’t seem to affect their behavior, their language, how they treat their peers, or basic habits like sleep and homework.

Other 13-year-olds may be more vulnerable. A child with ADHD, for example, may already struggle with executive functioning, time management, or stopping something they enjoy to do homework or go to sleep — playing video games may make those challenges worse. But these are concerns with any game a child engages with, whatever its content.

A child who already struggles with impulsiveness, verbal or physical aggression toward peers, or foul language may also be more vulnerable. We probably don’t want that child repeatedly practicing similar behavior through the game.

If you look at this content and decide it isn’t right for your 13-year-old, that’s a sound decision. And if you know your child well and feel they can handle it, you don’t need to feel guilty about that either.

Can playing Grand Theft Auto make kids more violent?

Parents have worried about violent video games encouraging kids to commit violence since the 1990s. Such a link is not supported by research.

But aggression is different from violence. A more developed body of research suggests that violent games may make kids who are already prone to impulsivity or aggression — such as verbal aggression, bullying, or physical aggression — more aggressive. Playing violent video games can also allow people to “rehearse” aggressive thoughts and acts, and some experimental research suggests this can translate to more aggressive thinking or behavior, especially when kids play a lot or play with friends.

But keep in mind: There are more powerful factors that can influence a child’s behavior. The effect of violent video games is small in relation to the quality of the parent-child relationship, whether a child has been exposed to violence or trauma at home, and how closely parents keep track of where their teens are and who they spend time with.

So, here’s the short answer: When it comes to violent acts, the research doesn’t support a link. When it comes to aggressive thoughts and a slightly higher chance of aggressive behavior, there is some evidence. And there are many real-world factors in a child’s life that matter more than the games they play.

My child says everyone else is playing GTA. How should I respond?

As a psychologist, I generally advise parents not to be the most permissive parent in their child’s friend group, but not to be the strictest, either. It’s best to aim for somewhere in the middle. The research on parenting points the same way. The goal is to lead with support and add structure when kids need it.

You may not think your child is ready for this content. You may worry it could make a mental health challenge worse, or your child may already be prone to aggressive speech or teasing that borders on bullying. Those are all good reasons not to let them practice those things in their free time, and you can feel confident holding that boundary. You might say: “Sometimes I’ll be in line with your friends’ parents, and sometimes I won’t. I love you, and I want to help you experience lots of other things in life.”

You can also try a middle path with conditions attached: Your child can only play the game in a shared space where you can see and hear what’s going on. They can explain the game to you, and you can keep an eye on their behavior outside the game, putting more limits if you see any concerning changes. But be clear with your child about what you’re worried about and what would lead you to step in. Gaming that starts cutting into sleep or schoolwork, for example, is a clear signal to set a limit.

My child watches Grand Theft Auto content on YouTube but doesn’t play the game. Is that different?

Lots of kids watch streamers play the games they like on YouTube or Discord or watch short-form clips on social media. For a child who isn’t allowed to play a popular game, watching can be a way to understand it and stay in the conversation with friends.

Still, it’s reasonable to be cautious. Research is still emerging on how short-form video affects kids’ attention — and an algorithm may keep feeding them more violent content. So, you might nudge your child away from short clips and toward longer videos that follow a story.

It can help to know what they’re watching. Is the channel about the graphics and gameplay? Is it about glorifying violent acts? Or is it about how a team works together to complete a quest? You might start by watching together and let your child watch on their own once you’ve approved the content, or only when you’re around to keep an eye on it.

Age matters here, too. For kids in middle school or younger, I’d monitor more closely — any site where they watch gaming videos will probably serve up more content with similar themes. With an older teen watching on their own device, it’s reasonable to say, something like, “Help me understand why this is valuable to you. Let’s watch some together, and then I’ll trust you to watch on your own.”

My child can focus on something like Grand Theft Auto for hours but can’t focus on homework. Why?

Almost everyone focuses better on something they enjoy than on something they don’t. It’s why so many of us procrastinate, scrolling social media or knocking out small, easy tasks instead of the one big thing we need to do. Kids are no different.

We want to teach kids how to sequence and prioritize tasks, how to bring their focus to something even when it isn’t the most interesting option, and how to build persistence. (My recent Thriving Kids episode with Julia Leonard, PhD, goes deeper on persistence.)

A helpful first step is bundling. If you’re going to allow your child to play video games, make sure it comes after homework. Your child shows you evidence that their homework is finished, and then they get access to games, whether that’s up until dinner, bath time, or getting ready for bed. They can also earn more time by getting down to work sooner. If you aren’t home in the afternoon, gaming can start once you get home.

Are some kids more vulnerable to problematic gaming than others?

Problematic gaming — excessive gaming at the cost of one’s well-being — follows a recognizable pattern. A child plays for very long stretches, more and more over time, and becomes increasingly distressed when they have to stop. Gaming starts to crowd out the things that matter for their development: schoolwork, real-life friendships, sleep, even eating properly.

Problematic gaming rarely happens on its own. Often a child has a co-occurring mental health condition. A child who is depressed may withdraw from activities and friends and find comfort and distraction in gaming, which then reinforces their depression. A child who struggles to make friends may find it easier to connect with people online and retreat into the digital world, making it harder to make friends in real life. A child with attention challenges may find it harder to put the brakes on fun and novel activities to do something less rewarding.

So yes, some kids are more vulnerable. But there are effective treatments both for the underlying conditions and for setting boundaries around gaming. For some kids, that means enforcing a break from gaming — for a short time or a longer one — because they can’t yet put on the brakes on gaming themselves. For others, it may mean moderation, with conditions in place to make sure their other responsibilities get done.

My child melts down when it’s time to stop playing. What should I do?

A meltdown at the end of gaming time can be a sign of problematic gaming, but on its own it’s just one indicator among several. It’s actually very common, especially for younger kids, to have a meltdown when they’re asked to stop something they enjoy and to do something less fun, like come to dinner, start homework, take a bath, or go to bed.

So, think of this as a lesson in emotion regulation, a set of skills kids learn in stages.

The first step to helping kids self-regulate is modeling. How do you regulate your own emotions, and do you talk about it out loud? Do you take deep breaths, step away for a break, reach out to someone, or do something distracting for a moment to reset?

The second step is reinforcement. How do you respond when your child does calm down? Do you give them positive feedback? Can they earn an activity or a special privilege when they practice these skills?

The third step is teaching these skills directly. Does your child know what emotion regulation looks like? (You can learn more about how to teach emotion regulation skills to kids of any age through the free resources, including short videos, that we have here.)

Finally, when your child does melt down, can you sit with their big feelings? As long as they aren’t screaming at you, refusing to go to bed, or getting physically aggressive, you can calmly acknowledge it by saying something like, “I know it’s hard to stop playing, but it’s time to get ready for bed.”

When that isn’t enough, a consequence can help. Tell your child that their gaming time depends on their ability to stop calmly. For example, a child who gets 30 minutes of gaming at night and melts down when it ends might lose 10 of those minutes the next day. Just make sure consequences, when needed, are applied consistently.

Many parents’ first instinct is simply to take the game away. That is an option, and you may need to use it. But try this process first — it can build skills that help with almost anything you’re trying to teach your child.

Should gaming be earned through chores, homework, or good behavior?

Much of life runs on a kind of social contract. When you get your responsibilities done, finish your homework, treat your sister kindly, and speak respectfully to your parents, you have access to certain privileges. For younger kids, that might be a favorite activity or dessert. As kids get older, it might be an allowance. For teenagers, it might be their social life, their curfew, rides, or a little money for meals out with friends. And in the working world, meeting your responsibilities is how you earn your salary.

That doesn’t mean every privilege has to depend on chores, homework, and good behavior. Systems like this take energy to run, so save them for when your child really needs to build a skill and fade them back as that need lessens. A child who does the dishes now and then, picks up their room, does their homework, and keeps safe hands around their sister may not need their 30 minutes of gaming tied to any of it. You can simply give them a set amount of gaming time each day.

When you are seeing problems with contributions at home, effort at school, or behavior, video games can absolutely be made contingent on those things.

What should parents do if they think gaming is affecting sleep, school, or friendships?

Sleep, school, and friendships are core areas of a child’s wellness and development.

Whenever parents ask about screens, video games, or phones, I go through a checklist. Think about your child’s diet and hydration, physical activity, sleep, mood, friendships online and off, investment in school and homework, and whether they take part in at least one extracurricular activity or hobby. We also want to think about their relationships with parents and friends, and whether they have a supportive adult in their life.

These are the building blocks of a child’s wellness. When a child’s screen time is in balance with them there is less cause for concern.

When gaming cuts into sleep, set a time when screens end, and keep all devices out of your child’s room at bedtime.

When schoolwork is slipping, structure the afternoon so homework comes before gaming.

When you’re worried about extracurriculars or time with friends in real life, look for ways to restore that balance. You can remove games for a short or long period if you need to. Kids don’t need games to live.

At the same time, we don’t want to dismiss kids’ interests or tell them gaming is terrible. You can say: “This is your interest, and I want to support you in it. I also want to support your wellness as a whole.”

Sometimes restoring that balance is still really hard. It may lead to a lot of conflict, big fights, or your child becoming more aggressive or disrespectful. That’s the time to reach out for help, perhaps with a school counselor or therapist.

This blog post is adapted from the Thriving Kids episode “Can Video Games Influence Children and Teen Behavior?” Listen on Apple Podcasts, watch on YouTube, or subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. Have a question for a future episode? Email podcast@childmind.org.

The post Can Video Games Make Kids Violent? Answers to Parents’ Top Gaming Questions appeared first on Child Mind Institute.

Prenatal maternal psychiatric disturbance and offspring neurodevelopmental disorders: a retrospective case–control study from Egypt

BackgroundMaternal mental health during pregnancy is an under-recognized predictor of offspring neurodevelopment, particularly in low-resource settings with limited perinatal mental health screening. This study investigated the association of the presence and diagnostic subtype of neurodevelopmental disorders (NDDs) in offspring with maternal depression, anxiety, stress, physical or verbal abuse, and perceived social support during the last trimester of pregnancy in an Egyptian sample.MethodsA retrospective case–control design compared 200 mothers of children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD), attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) or attention deficit disorder (ADD) (cases) with 300 mothers of typically developing children (controls) aged 3–17 years. Participants were recruited in Egypt through a university hospital, charitable medical convoys, a private child psychiatry clinic and the community, and controls were frequency-matched on child age, sex and maternal socioeconomic status (SES). Mothers retrospectively reported depression, anxiety and stress (Depression Anxiety Stress Scales-21), perceived social support (Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support), and physical or verbal abuse and emotional distress during the last trimester; child behavior was described with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire. Associations were estimated with logistic regression adjusted for child age, sex, maternal SES and maternal age, with covariates selected a priori. Because SES matching was not achieved and recruitment sources differed between groups, sensitivity analyses included restriction to the only site that recruited both cases and controls.ResultsCase mothers had significantly higher severity of depression, anxiety and stress, more physical or verbal abuse (45.2% vs. 13.7%) and lower perceived social support than control mothers (all p <.001). In models adjusted for child age, sex, maternal SES and maternal age, abuse (odds ratio [OR] = 4.09, 95% CI 2.52–6.64), depression (OR = 2.94, 95% CI 2.33–3.70 per severity category), anxiety (OR = 1.99, 95% CI 1.70–2.32) and stress (OR = 2.12, 95% CI 1.74–2.58) were associated with higher odds of case status, and perceived social support with lower odds (OR = 0.45, 95% CI 0.36–0.56 per scale point). Associations were similar at the single site that recruited both cases and controls. When all exposures were modelled together, depression (OR = 2.56), anxiety (OR = 1.37) and social support (OR = 0.45) remained associated with case status, whereas the abuse estimate was attenuated (OR = 1.84, 95% CI 0.96–3.54); because this mutually adjusted model conditions on potential mediators of abuse, its estimate should not be interpreted as either a total association or a direct effect. Among cases, maternal psychosocial factors only weakly distinguished autism from ADHD.ConclusionPrenatal psychosocial adversity and maternal psychological distress, particularly depression and anxiety, were strongly associated with offspring NDDs in this Egyptian sample, and depression and anxiety remained associated after mutual adjustment. Because exposures were recalled after the child’s diagnosis and cases and controls were recruited largely from different sources, these estimates may overstate the true associations. Because exposures were recalled retrospectively in a case–control design, these associations cannot be interpreted as causal, but they support the embedding of screening for maternal mental health and violence within routine antenatal care in similar under-resourced settings.

Preliminary diagnostic performance of the MOXO continuous performance test in young adults undergoing ADHD assessment

IntroductionAttention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) diagnosis in young adults is often challenging due to symptom overlap with affective disorders and the inherent subjectivity of clinical evaluations. While Continuous Performance Tests (CPTs) provide objective metrics, their preliminary diagnostic performance and concordance with clinical evaluations relative to self-report questionnaires require evaluation in clinical settings. This study explored the diagnostic performance of the MOXO-CPT and formally examined its incremental predictive value beyond commonly used self-report measures in young adults assessed for ADHD.Materials and methodsA total of 118 young adults (aged 18–25 years) consecutively referred with attention-related complaints completed the MOXO-CPT and self-report scales (ASRS, WURS-25, STAI, RRS-SF). ADHD diagnoses were established via comprehensive semi-structured clinical interviews based on DSM-5 criteria by an experienced psychiatrist blinded to test and questionnaire scores. Multivariable logistic regression and Receiver Operating Characteristic (ROC) analyses evaluated independent predictors and discriminative performance relative to this clinical reference standard.ResultsADHD was diagnosed in 58.5% (n=69) of the cohort, while the remaining 41.5% (n=49) comprised a clinical comparison group predominantly presenting with alternative psychiatric conditions (63.3%). Participants with ADHD showed poorer performance across all MOXO-CPT indices (attention, timing, impulsivity, and hyperactivity) compared to the non-ADHD clinical comparison group. In multivariable modeling, average or above-average performance on the attention and hyperactivity indices was independently associated with a lower likelihood of ADHD diagnosis. ROC analysis indicated that the MOXO-CPT attention index demonstrated favorable discriminative capacity relative to the clinical diagnosis (AUC = 0.87, sensitivity = 81.2%, specificity = 85.7%), whereas other indices showed acceptable-to-poor discriminative performance.DiscussionIn this help-seeking sample of young adults, the MOXO-CPT attention index demonstrated promising discriminative ability in differentiating ADHD from a non-ADHD clinical comparison group predominantly presenting with anxiety and depressive disorders. These preliminary findings suggest that distractor-embedded continuous performance testing may serve as a useful objective adjunct for distinguishing ADHD from common psychiatric mimics in outpatient settings, rather than a stand-alone tool or a general screening instrument for healthy populations.